Month: April 2019

He accused Trump of waking up each day eager to “wage war on Twitter.”

“Everybody knows who Donald Trump is,” he said. “I want to make sure they know who we are — who I am.”

Though he swung repeatedly at Trump, Biden pulled his punches when it came to other Democratic contenders. He deflected questions about Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders’ criticism of his votes for the Iraq war and the North American Free Trade Agreement — and signaled he would not be engaging with his primary foes anytime soon, saying there will be “plenty of time on stage” once the party’s presidential debates begin in late June.

“I’m not going to get in a debate with my colleagues here,” he told reporters during a stop at an ice cream shop in Monticello.

“They talk about, there’s a division in the Democratic Party,” Biden said later on Tuesday night in Dubuque. But, he added, “we agree on basically everything, all of us running — all 400 of us.”

The contrast has played perfectly into Biden’s hands: One driving force behind his candidacy is a sense among Democratic primary voters that he would stand a better chance of defeating Trump in 2020 than the party’s lesser-known and more progressive candidates.

National polls on Tuesday found that Biden’s entrance had helped him surge into the high-30s among Democratic voters — making him the clear front-runner with more than double the support of his two nearest opponents, Sanders and Massachusetts Sen. Elizabeth Warren, who has also seen her support grow in recent days.

In Cedar Rapids, Janet Leonard, a retired teacher who lives in Manchester, said she backed Biden in the 2008 Democratic caucus and will again because she sees him as having the best shot at ousting Trump.

“Joe can not only get the Democrats, but the independents and even the Republicans who maybe voted for Trump but are not really happy,” she said. “I think he is the most electable candidate. No matter what, we have to get somebody who is going to beat Trump.”

Biden is also leaning heavily on one tool he has that no other Democrat can match: being former President Barack Obama’s vice president.

His campaign released a video Tuesday morning that featured Obama praising Biden in 2017 — even though Obama does not plan to endorse a candidate during the Democratic primary. Then, in Cedar Rapids, Biden called Obama an “extraordinary man.”

“He was a president our kids could look up to,” Biden said.

An air of nostalgia hung over a basement room in Cedar Rapids, where several supporters came wearing blue and white “Biden” T-shirts from his 2008 campaign.

Biden promised in what was his first stop as a 2020 candidate in Iowa that voters would “see a heck of a lot of me,” and that “no one’s going to work harder” to earn Democratic caucus-goers’ votes.

Biden has so far kept his stump speeches relatively short and trimmed them of his past references to former Republican colleagues he liked and worked with. He has also left out policy positions that could be fodder for Democratic criticism, such as his support for free trade.

Instead, Biden has touted an agenda that includes undoing Trump’s tax breaks, increasing the minimum wage to $15 an hour and “making sure we finish the job on health care” by creating a public option that would allow anyone to buy into Medicare.

Pete Wernimont of Cedar Rapids, a longtime admirer of Biden, brought a copy of the former vice president’s book, “Promise Me, Dad” for an autograph. As he walked away from the rally, he said he was nearly entirely sold on Biden’s candidacy.

“I’m about 80 to 90% there,” he said, adding that he was also intrigued by South Bend, Indiana, Mayor Pete Buttigieg.

For now, though, he believes Biden is the most electable Democrat in the race.

“Trump’s going to have a real fight on his hands,” Wernimont said. “I believe Biden can beat him.”

Kerry Robertson, a retired veteran, showed up at the Veterans Memorial Building in downtown Cedar Rapids not realizing that his weekly card game with friends had been replaced by a Biden campaign stop. Robertson, who says he didn’t like Trump or Hillary Clinton and instead voted for an independent — he can’t remember which one — in 2016, said Biden had earned his support.

“If he can do something to keep Social Security and Medicare and Medicaid, that’s what a hell of a lot of people depend on, you know?” he said.

A big problem, Barr said in 2001, is “this notion that has gained currency that there’s something wrong about political officials reviewing cases. … In fact, my attitude is — and if these people only knew — the second-guessing is not for political reasons, it’s really because someone is exercising some maturity of judgment and putting things in perspective.”

When his recent comments are seen through the lens of his full career, Barr’s defense of Trump’s potentially obstructive actions is entirely in keeping with who he’s always been, going back to his first tenure as attorney general under President George H.W. Bush in the early 1990s. That history has some in Washington’s legal community worried about a toxic combination.

“You have an attorney general with a maximal view of executive power and a President who has no sense of limits,” said one former Justice Department official. “That’s a recipe for constitutional calamity.”

Yet even some critics of Barr say his decisions on the Mueller report are not “Trump-centric.” Robert Bauer, the White House counsel for President Barack Obama, told CNN’s Gloria Borger that Barr has held his views of expansive presidential power to influence the Justice Department’s investigations “for decades.”

“The criticism of Barr here, in my view, is not … that he’s acting as a defense lawyer of Donald Trump,” Bauer said. “I do see he’s helping Trump, for sure, but he’s doing it because he’s advancing a particular case that he feels very strongly about.”

One piece of writing from Barr that has gotten attention recently is a 19-page memo he sent last year to Deputy Attorney General Rod Rosenstein, in which he argues that Trump’s interactions with former FBI Director Comey should not constitute obstruction of justice. That memo is seen by some as Barr’s attempt to get on Trump’s radar and show his interest in becoming attorney general again. But some close to Barr say that’s a misreading of the memo, and of Barr’s motivations.

“If he wanted to audition to be attorney general, he would have gone on Fox News,” a current Justice Department official told CNN. “Once you’ve been a successful attorney general and left with your reputation intact, you’ve won.”

Same job, different department

Since being confirmed in February, Barr devoted a “significant” amount of time on the Mueller investigation and report during his first few months on the job, including nights and weekends, according to a Justice official. According to a source with knowledge, Barr has been preparing at length for back-to-back congressional hearings this week on the Russia investigation. Barr has been holed up with several senior officials in the Justice Department in his conference room for hours at a time since early last week, the source said, in addition to preparing on his own.

Barr has also been trying to get up to speed on what else is going on at the department, according to multiple sources there.

He’s held numerous in-person meetings with US attorneys and the heads of each division. Barr has also extended an invitation to those in leadership positions to join him for lunch in the attorney general’s dining room once a week. (Barr has also had a standing lunch date with his old friend and current White House counsel Pat Cipollone.)

Those around him at DOJ say Barr is determined to move on from Mueller’s probe and refocus the department on priorities such as prosecuting hate crimes, enforcing immigration laws and protecting the integrity of the next election.

Barr has said he has no objections to Mueller testifying to Congress. Should that happen, congressional Democrats will almost certainly try to extract some sense of how Mueller feels about how Barr handled the report. That could provide some insight into the relationship between Barr and Mueller, both members of the close-knit world of Washington Republican lawyers.

The two have known each other at least since the 1980s when they both worked at the Justice Department, where Barr was deputy attorney general while Mueller was the assistant attorney general in charge of the department’s criminal division. Their relationship extended beyond the office.

George Terwilliger, who served as Barr’s deputy attorney general in the Bush administration and worked with Mueller as assistant US attorneys, confirmed the two men have a longstanding friendship. “I think it’s probably more distant than when they used to see each other every day in the halls of the Justice Department, but I know of no reason to conclude it’s not one of mutual respect,” Terwilliger told CNN’s Borger.

That respect does not obviate the two friends’ stark disagreement about the special counsel’s conclusions. Despite declining to reach a decision on obstruction, Mueller’s detailed report provides volumes of evidence that Trump tried to interfere and even shut down the investigation.

But Barr’s decision not to prosecute, in part, is based on the idea that without an underlying crime — the President’s involvement in a conspiracy with the Russians or some destruction of evidence, for example — Trump would have been within his legal power to try to influence the investigation.

And in a recent appearance on Capitol Hill, Barr also hinted that the Justice Department may even pursue questions about the origins of the counterintelligence investigation into members of the Trump campaign. Barr told the Senate Appropriations Committee on April 10 that he believed “spying” by the FBI on the Trump campaign occurred in connection with the start of the probe. “I’m not suggesting that those rules were violated, but I think it’s important to look at that,” Barr said.

Later in the hearing Barr recharacterized his reference to “spying” as “surveillance,” but sources close to the attorney general said that the bottom line is that he’s addressing the issue now out of genuine concern, even if what’s driving that concern is unclear.

A difference in legal opinion

Barr’s concern about potential overreach by senior officials on the surveillance issue is in keeping with his long-held belief that career law enforcement officials require proper oversight, balanced by political accountability.

“I have come to feel that political supervision of the Department is very important. Politically responsible people. Someone ultimately has to answer to the political process,” Barr declared in his 2001 interview with the Miller Center at UVA.

And this idea is at the heart of the attorney general’s belief that the obstruction element of Mueller’s investigation did not have much merit. This comes through in Barr’s unsolicited June 2018 memo, which outlines an updated version of the skepticism about special counsel power he expressed back in 2001. Barr argues the President has broad power to influence investigations undertaken by the Justice Department, even those in which he is a target, particularly when there is no underlying crime.

“The Constitution,” Barr wrote last year, “vests plenary authority over law enforcement proceedings in the President, and therefore one of the President’s core constitutional authorities is precisely to make decisions ‘influencing’ proceedings.” Barr argued that while there may be political constraints on a president’s interference, there are no legal prohibitions.

“He alone is the Executive branch,” Barr wrote of the president. “The determination whether the President is making decisions based on ‘improper’ motives or whether he is ‘faithfully’ discharging his responsibilities is left to the People, through the election process, and the Congress, through the Impeachment process”

It’s the sort of narrow, legalistic view that prompts many of his friends and associates to label Barr a “lawyer’s lawyer.”

“I think Bill’s view is a constitutional one. It’s grounded in the separation of powers,” said Terwilliger.

Democrats clearly disagree. Bauer said Barr should have stayed out of the decision on obstruction and left it to either Rosenstein or even accept Mueller’s inability to reach a conclusion and not make a decision at all. “Let the Mueller report stand as it is presented in that report,” Bauer told CNN. “It is at that point up to Congress to consider whether or not this is material or appropriate for consideration in an impeachment inquiry, and then another crew comes in at one point and makes the judgment after the President leaves office.”

But defenders of Barr like Gray say it was Mueller’s non-decision on obstruction that cut against norms. “The one thing that was different was Mueller’s refusal to decide whether or not to prosecute, which is all a prosecutor’s supposed to do,” Gray told CNN.

‘Operation Freedom’

Pompeo’s comments followed a bombshell revelation by national security adviser John Bolton, who claimed for the first time that some of Maduro’s closest allies had been talking to the opposition about ousting him and giving their support to National Assembly interim president Juan Guaido.

“We think it’s still very important for key figures in the regime who have been talking to the opposition over these last three months to make good on their commitment to achieve the peaceful transfer of power from the Maduro” regime, Bolton told reporters outside the White House on Tuesday as clashes intensified between regime forces and opposition groups in Caracas.

“All agreed Maduro had to go,” Bolton said.

The claims by Pompeo and Bolton amount to an extraordinary move by the US to divide and pressure the Maduro regime after Trump administration officials said they were surprised by Guaido, who pushed up by a day his dawn announcement that he was “beginning the final phase of Operation Freedom” in an escalation of his bid to oust Maduro.

Pompeo reiterated US support for opposition leader Guaido amid an escalating situation in Venezuela. On Tuesday morning, Guaido, standing alongside a group of soldiers in Caracas, announced an uprising, calling it “Operation Freedom,” and urged his supporters to take to the streets in an effort to oust Maduro. Confrontations between the two sides turned violent, with at least 71 people being taken to a medical center in the Venezuelan capital.

‘Fire up the plane’

Pompeo said he would urge Maduro to “fire up the plane,” warning that “the cost for he and those who protect him will continue to increase.”

“The harm that he will bring to them will only increase. We implore him, it’s time for him to leave, it’s time for him to depart Venezuela, and we would urge him to do this at the earliest possible moment,” he said.

However, the secretary of state refused to say whether Maduro would be permitted to safely depart for Cuba, instead saying that “Mr. Maduro understands what will happen if he gets on that airplane.”

“He knows our expectations,” Pompeo said when repeatedly pressed on the question.

While Pompeo noted that the US has told Russia and Cuba that their support for the embattled Venezuelan leader is “unacceptable,” he would not say whether he holds Russia responsible for the violence or whether US President Donald Trump had spoken to Russian President Vladimir Putin on the issue.

“I don’t want to get into all of the conversations that have been held between us and other parties,” Pompeo told CNN. “Suffice it to say, I am confident that the Russians understand the American position on this and understand the harm that is being inflicted on the Venezuelan people.”

‘The stakes are very high’

Administration officials said talks between senior regime officials and the opposition had been taking place for the last few months and would have allowed them to keep their positions after a transfer of power. Bolton mentioned Vladimir Padrino, Venezuela’s minister of defense, as well as Maikel Moreno, the chief judge of the country’s Supreme Court, and Ivan Rafael Hernandez Dala, the commander of presidential guard.

But after Guaido made his announcement, flanked by opposition leader Leopoldo Lopez and men in military uniforms, support from the regime officials didn’t materialize. Bolton, describing the situation as “a very delicate moment,” went before the cameras to name the officials and give them a deadline.

“They need to be able to act this afternoon or this evening to help bring other forces to the side of the interim president,” Bolton declared. “They committed to support ousting Maduro and it’s time for them now, if the Cubans will let them, to do it to fulfill their commitments.”

Bolton and other administration officials didn’t provide any proof that the three members of Maduro’s inner circle were considering switching allegiance. But he went before the microphones at a critical moment.

“The stakes are very high for Guaido and Lopez,” said Kevin Ivers, a Latin American expert and vice president of the DCI Group. “Now the regime has the authority to arrest and possibly kill them, which could be the end of what started in January, with Guaido’s move to declare himself president.”

Chile’s foreign minister tweeted confirmation of media reports that Lopez, his wife and daughter had sought refuge with the Chilean government, going to the ambassador’s residence in Caracas.

‘A very, very big day’

“If this effort fails today and they are captured I think it could be a very, very serious setback for any legitimate effort to overthrow the regime or restore democracy,” Ivers said, “so today is a very, very big day.”

Bolton’s announcement was both an attempt at damage control in a highly fluid and combustible environment as well as an attempt to strike a blow at the Venezuelan government, said Peter Schechter, a Latin America expert and executive producer of the foreign policy podcast Altamar.

“He’s trying to divide the Maduro government and create suspicions and foment all kinds of insider divisions, because the one thing that’s kept this government together is that they’re all fearful of being extradited to the United States, so they’re all trying to do this together,” said Schechter.

The disclosures about high level Maduro allies — particularly Padrino, who is seen as the personal guarantor of Maduro’s years-long hold on power — is extraordinary, said Ivers.

“I have no doubt any of these conversations happened behind the scenes,” Ivers said. “That makes absolute sense, but there had never been any indications until now that such efforts had come close to bearing fruit. This would be extraordinary news. It was clearly a message directed at the Venezuelans regime and at specific figures in the Venezuelan regime.”

In a statement early Tuesday, Padrino reiterated his loyalty to Maduro. The defense secretary has also been named economic and trade czar, giving him effective control over the flow of goods across the border, including drugs, a lucrative position that is meant to reward him for his loyalty, analysts say.

Bolton warned that if opposition forces fail in their efforts to oust Maduro, the country will sink even deeper into a dictatorship.

“If this effort fails, they will sink into a dictatorship from which there are very few alternatives,” Bolton said, adding that President Donald Trump “wants to see a peaceful transfer of power.”

‘A very delicate moment’

“It’s a very delicate moment,” he said.

At this delicate moment, Guaido surprised the US, said Elliot Abrams, the State Department envoy on Venezuela. He said the US had been told that Guaido would call for protestors to take to the streets on Wednesday’s May Day holiday, and that they hadn’t been aware the opposition leader would move forward on Tuesday.

Abrams confirmed there have been high-level negotiations going on inside Venezuela between the opposition camp and regime officials, including the head of the Supreme Court, the defense minister and the head of security.

“In the last month or two, there have been some interesting negotiations among Venezuelans inside the regime and out of the regime about returning to the constitution,” Abrams said, mentioning Moreno, as well as Padrino and Hernandez, who are both under US sanctions.

“As I recall of the agreements, all of them were going to retain their positions,” Abrams said. He said the US had not been a party to the talks.

“They negotiated for a long time about the means of restoring democracy, but it seems that today they’re not going forward, at least as of 3 pm, with the agreements they made,” Abrams said. “But we will see what happens in the rest of the day. If you’ve seen the TV screens, you’ve know that things are very far from calm and settled in not only Caracas, but around the country.”

Abrams said that the worry that Guaido would be arrested “always exists.” Pompeo warned that such a move would be considered “a major escalation.” The US-educated 35-year-old launched his campaign to return Venezuela to democracy in January.

Indeed, this is a “now or never moment for Guaido,” said Michael McCarthy, the CEO of Caracas Wire, “because it’s evident he’s reaching the end of his honeymoon.” Maduro had seemingly retained hold on crucial military support.

McCarthy described Guaido’s move as “high stakes,” and said the US approach has been equally so, with its tendency “to talk tough on this issue.”

Indeed, both Bolton and Pompeo said “all options” remain on the table. When pressed by Blitzer, Pompeo said the administration stood behind that threat. “The President has made very clear that all options are on the table, that includes a military option,” Pompeo said, adding that he’s “hoping” it won’t be necessary.

“I don’t think anyone should be fooled that if the President makes that decision” the United States military “has the capacity to execute.”

Many analysts, however, said it was unlikely the administration would use military force.

Planning for ‘the day after’

“While the US has never taken the military option off the table, the US doesn’t have forces in the area sufficient for an invasion,” said Ivers. “It would be far more difficult even than Iraq. The terrain, the number of Venezuelan forces, it would have been a much bloodier conflict.”

And Ivers added that armed US intervention — something Guaido supporters have said they do not want — “would have meant an end to international support for Guaido, but they always left it on the table to ensure the regime knew they meant business, this was a serious effort, not just for show.”

Bolton said the US would continue “planning for what we call ‘the day after,’ the day after Maduro,” adding that “it’s been very much on our mind. … Those plans are moving ahead, we’re trying to refine them,” he said.

In the meantime, Risa Grais-Targow, director of the Latin America program at the Eurasia Group, wrote that key “signposts to watch in the coming hours and days are additional defections from within the armed forces, not only in terms of the number, but also in terms of the profile of figures who are defecting.”

A key variable, she said, will be whether those figures command troops, whether those troops are loyal to them, how many of them there are and their ability to threaten the government militarily.

Many however, have not led to court cases, since they were told by the President or his communications staff to the American public, at press conferences, in interviews and in official statements.

Others were lies of omission, or involved wrong information given initially to investigators and then corrected, sometimes with consequence, sometimes without. Except in regard to the President’s assertions, Mueller often did not delve into a person’s intent, instead just laying out the facts he had unearthed.

How we analyzed the report

CNN’s approach to analyzing the report was this: Every time Mueller documented a false assertion made to the public or federal officials — even if it was the same falsehood told again and again — it was counted. This includes lies to investigators and to Congress, who represent the public. CNN did not include efforts on the part of the White House to get other administration officials to lie, of which Mueller notes several instances.

The final portrait as written by Mueller reveals eight major topics around which Trump and his associates pushed false stories, from his interactions with former FBI Director James Comey, to the negotiations about a Trump Tower project in Moscow, to the President’s flat denial that US intelligence had found the Russian government was involved in the hack of the Democratic National Committee.

Sometimes, Mueller lays it out cold, saying a person asserted something “falsely.” At other times, Mueller describes a cascade of assertions — often by the President — only to pull back later to say that “substantial evidence” contradicts the statements. On a few occasions, Mueller couldn’t determine the truth, but outlines how at least one person among a group must have been giving false information.

In its analysis, CNN counted instances where Mueller noted multiple people giving different versions of events as one false assertion each.

CNN’s analysis also counted situations where false information was shared yet Mueller didn’t always make clear whether the person intended to give bad information. In a few cases, Mueller documented how some of the people had explanations regarding the information they shared.

In all, although he seldom uses the term, Mueller’s effort may be the first comprehensive finding by a federal investigator to document the lies to the American public told by the Trump campaign and administration.

Trump Tower Moscow project

Since the campaign, Trump publicly denied having any business ties to Russia. He often repeated, “I have nothing to do with Russia,” and said he stayed away from Russian deals.

The report also highlighted at least 15 times Trump misled the public about this critical topic. Mueller even rebuked Trump for not “directly” answering questions about the Moscow project in written testimony he submitted last year. Trump never agreed to an in-person interview.

Comey firing and fallout

The Mueller report documents at least a dozen instances where Trump and his associates lied or made false assertions about the facts surrounding the firing of Comey. Sometimes, these falsehoods multiplied through attempts at damage control, and the President and his staff spread them on Twitter, in interviews and in official White House statements.

All in all, Mueller documented the President and the White House lying multiple times about why he fired Comey and the circumstances that led to the firing.

In truth, Trump had invited Comey to dinner, asked for the FBI director’s loyalty and asked Comey about “letting Flynn go,” since his national security adviser was under investigation.

Mueller ultimately sided with Comey’s version of the story, after corroborating it with multiple other sources — even the President’s daily diary. “Despite those denials [from Trump], substantial evidence corroborates Comey’s account,” Mueller wrote.

Trump Tower meeting

The public response from Trump’s team about the meeting was rife with misdirection from the beginning, including at least nine instances of falsehoods.

A spokesperson for Trump’s personal legal team, Mark Corallo, worked with the conservative news site Circa News to create a story to bring into question whether the Trump Tower meeting was a setup orchestrated by Democratic operatives, Muller noted. It wasn’t.

Trump Jr. issued a statement in July 2017 wrongly claiming that the meeting was primarily about Russian adoptions. Instead, the discussion centered on US sanctions against Russians.

And finally, Mueller flags one of those pesky “who was lying?” situations — leaving a major question of the Russia investigation still unresolved. Did then-candidate Trump know about the meeting in advance?

Cohen told prosecutors that yes, he did — and Cohen had witnessed the conversation between Trump Jr. and his father, but Cohen noted that he “did not recall Trump Jr. stating the meeting was connected to Russia.”

But Trump Jr. told the Senate Judiciary Committee the opposite. He said he hadn’t spoken to his father about it in advance. Trump campaign chairman Manafort and son-in-law Jared Kushner, the meeting’s other attendees, backed up this story when they spoke to investigators and said they didn’t recall anyone informing Trump of the meeting. Trump, in his own written answers to Mueller’s questions, said he had “no recollection” of the meeting in advance.

Mueller wasn’t able to determine the truth.

Flynn’s calls with Kislyak

The report shed new light on one of the earliest episodes in the investigation: The fallout from Flynn’s phone calls with the Russian ambassador. Mueller identified at least seven lies and false assertions from five senior White House officials about the incident.

Additional contacts with Russians

The report examined how several prominent Trump allies lied or made wrong assertions to investigators about their contacts with Russians — in addition to the episodes already described above.

In the report, however, Mueller concedes that some Trump campaign associates stymied his efforts to run down every lead in the investigation of potential coordination with Russia, and that there might still be more to learn.

Attempts to fire Mueller

Two times, Mueller explained how Trump attempted to cover up the episode where he had told White House counsel Don McGahn to rid him of the Mueller investigation.

Once the story broke, Trump dismissed it, calling it “fake news, folks. Fake news.”

McGahn told Mueller the truth, the report found, and Mueller certified that McGahn had “no motive to lie or exaggerate given the position he held in the White House.”

Presidential pardons

The prospect of Trump using his presidential pardon powers to protect his allies never became a reality during the two-year course of the investigation, but it always bubbled near the surface.

Despite the public suggestions, Trump hasn’t granted any pardons to any Mueller defendants. Manafort arrived last week at a federal prison in Pennsylvania and is scheduled for release in 2024.

Russian hacks and WikiLeaks

Despite overwhelming evidence, which was bolstered by the report, Trump himself has never unequivocally stated that he accepts that the Russian government interfered in the 2016 election, hacked the Democrats, and tried to give his campaign a political boost.

Other odds and ends

The Mueller report also documents a lie about hush money payments made to women alleging they’d had affairs with Trump, as well as a false statement to the public about former Trump campaign adviser Carter Page.

“Our message is: Let’s work together,” House Speaker Nancy Pelosi told reporters on Monday, adding, “The American people understand the need to build the infrastructure of our country. Let’s find a solution.”

When Pelosi and Schumer sat down with the President to talk infrastructure, they were joined by other members of House and Senate Democratic leadership and congressional Democrats whose committees would play a role if a deal came together.

Democratic Sens. Dick Durbin, Patty Murray, Debbie Stabenow, Ron Wyden, the top Democratic member on the Senate Finance Committee, and Tom Carper, the top Democrat on the Senate Environment and Public Works Committee, were at the meeting, according to a Democratic source and list provided by the White House.

House Majority Leader Steny Hoyer, Majority Whip James Clyburn, Assistant Speaker Ben Ray Lujan, Richard Neal, the chair of the House Ways and Means Committee, and Peter DeFazio, the chair of the House Transportation and Infrastructure Committee, are also attending. DeFazio has been in contact with the Trump administration to discuss infrastructure “for some time now,” according to a committee aide.

The meeting was originally billed as just between the two Democratic leaders and Trump. The inclusion of other key Democrats suggested the possibility of a substantive discussion about infrastructure policy.

In addition to congressional Democrats and the President, a slate of administration officials also attended the meeting, according to a list of participants released by the White House.

Adviser to the President and Trump’s eldest daughter, Ivanka Trump, is expected to be there along with White House economic adviser Larry Kudlow, press secretary Sarah Sanders, Russ Vought, the acting director of the Office of Management and Budget, White House counsel Pat Cipollone, Kellyanne Conway, a senior counselor to the President, and Shahira Knight, the director of the Office of Legislative Affairs. Transportation Secretary Elaine Chao and C.J. Mahoney, the deputy US Trade Representative, are also on the list of participants.

Ahead of the meeting, Republican Sen. John Cornyn of Texas suggested that if everyone works together, compromise is feasible.

“As long as everyone views it as a collective win then it would be doable,” he said.

Durbin on Monday described the state of the relationship Democrats have with Trump as “adversarial in many aspects,” but said, “We hope it will be cooperative in this aspect.”

One potential sticking point in any negotiations for an infrastructure package is how much it will cost and how to pay for it.

Pelosi told reporters earlier this month that she envisions a package that includes “at least $1 trillion” from the government.

“I’d like it to be closer to $2 trillion,” she added. “It’s how you leverage it. There are all kinds of ways to spend, to invest in it.”

Cornyn conceded on Monday that finding the money to pay for any plan is likely to be challenging and emphasized that it will be important to for everyone involved “to hold hands and jump together because otherwise it gets to be too politically divisive.”

“When you talk about infrastructure, people don’t want to talk about it, how do you pay for it? It is not easy,” he said. “We usually had a user fee system but that gets harder and harder to do — when people drive electric cars and people get better mileage — to generate the money. So, that’s a serious conversation that we’re going to have to have. My sense is we’ll have to hold hands and jump together because otherwise it gets to be too politically divisive.”

The White House said that the plan would create $1.5 trillion for repairing and upgrading America’s infrastructure. Only $200 billion of that, however, would come from direct federal spending.

“I have pooh-poohed his $200 billion mini nothing of an infrastructure bill,” Pelosi told reporters earlier in the month, adding, “That is a formula that says let’s not and said we did. That does nothing. And I think that he probably knows that that was not a successful path to building an infrastructure from sea to shining sea.”

The resolution lists conditions for any infrastructure plan, including a warning that it must “not weaken or repeal existing laws or rules protecting the air, water, or environment.”

This story has been updated with additional developments Tuesday.

Earlier this month, Judge Richard Seeborg of the Northern District of California blocked the policy. His reasoning was that the provision on which the government was relying was never intended to permit the return of asylum seekers to Mexico, and even if it did, the current screening procedures were not adequate, said Melissa Crow, senior supervising attorney at the Southern Poverty Law Center.

The so-called Migrant Protection Protocols program was initially rolled out at the San Ysidro port of entry in January. It’s since expanded to include Calexico port of entry, San Diego sector, Paso del Norte port of entry, El Paso sector and El Centro sector, according to the Department of Homeland Security.

The administration has argued that the policy is aimed at stemming the flow of migrants, but a number of issues have cropped up at the proceedings for migrants who fall under the policy.

During immigration hearings last month, migrants expressed a fear of returning to Mexico and explained the difficulties they faced in obtaining legal representation while in another country. Immigration lawyers also struggled to navigate the policy, which presented a new host of challenges, like communicating with clients residing in another country.

This latest challenge on an administration policy stems from a coalition of immigrant advocacy groups who asked a federal judge for a restraining order that would block the policy. Eleven migrants who are seeking asylum in the United States and were returned to Mexico under the policy are also plaintiffs in the case.

Trump, for his part, has fumed over the legal challenges that have kept his administration from implementing a series of controversial policies. It’s almost become so common that Trump publicly griped about the challenges his national emergency declaration would face.

“We will have a national emergency and we will then be sued,” Trump said in the Rose Garden in February. “We’ll possibly get a bad ruling, and then we’ll get another bad ruling, and then we’ll end up at the Supreme Court and hopefully we’ll get a fair shake.”

A judge also blocked the administration’s “zero tolerance” immigration policy that resulted in the separation of parents and children.

“I know I got my shots as a child,” Quach said. “I remember seeing my immunization records.”

Quach was able to reach his parents and get his records to the student health clinic on Friday. Still, the clinic told him he was still under quarantine until he was cleared by the local health department.

“It’s frustrating and a little annoying because I’m trying to finish off the semester, not to mention finals are coming up next month,” Quach said.

UCLA junior Jade McVay said she was more than frustrated — she was frightened. She, too, was sent into quarantine Thursday when the student health center couldn’t verify her immunization status.

“The nurse pulled me to the side and said, “You were actually in the same classroom as the student who had the measles. Do you know if you had the booster shot?’

“And I was little, I didn’t remember,” said McVay. “So, I was getting really worked up, thinking ‘Am I carrying this disease that could harm me and everyone around me?'”

Like Quach, McVay was able to quickly reach her parents, who verified she had both shots and rushed her records to the UCLA clinic. She said she considers herself lucky. She was quarantined for only two hours; several friends have spent more than 18 hours in isolation.

But it was only a matter of time before it appeared at a college campus, said Georgetown University’s Lawrence Gostin, who directs the O’Neill Institute for National and Global Health Law.

“Campuses really are hotbeds of infectious diseases,” Gostin said. “Young people are in close contact, being intimate, eating food together, living together in dorms.”

It’s such a high-risk environment, Gostin said, that every simulation he creates on an infectious disease outbreak “begins on a college campus and then spreads to the city, and then state and country.”

Preparing for an outbreak

Well aware that infectious disease can spread like wildfire within a student population, many universities actively prepare for such scenarios. Georgetown University, Gostin said, is getting ready for its yearly “pandemic preparedness simulation” in which they explore what might happen if an infectious disease is discovered on campus.

“Simulations are a really good thing to do,” Gostin said, “because you can’t know whether you can respond effectively if an outbreak occurs. You have to practice, practice, practice.”

Did UCLA and Cal State LA have such plans in place? CNN’s emails to health officials at both universities asking about simulations and preparedness plans went unanswered, and neither McVay nor Quach said they recall any such practice during their time on campus.

“In my four years of being here at Cal State LA, I’ve never had to do that. I’ve never been informed of that,” Quach said, adding that it would be been helpful because “people wouldn’t be so scared. They’d know what to do.”

Quarantine as an effective, if controversial, measure

Using quarantines to assist in controlling an outbreak, while uncomfortable, is an important public health option, said Rebecca Katz, who directs the Center for Global Health Science and Security at Georgetown University.

“Quarantine is a word that people respond to very strongly, but it’s actually one of the strongest tools in the public health tool kit,” Katz said. “But because it curtails civil liberties, most public health officials are very wary to utilize it.”

“Sometimes people feel like they’re being treated like a criminal,” Katz added. “The point is to be treated like you’re doing something that is contributing to your society and only be treated like a criminal if you disobey.”

Universities often wait until the local public health department insists that such measures are necessary, said Dr. Timothy Moody, who chaired the emergency response coalition for the American College Health Association.

“Most universities would like the public health people to take the lead,” Moody said. “They are reluctant to do anything that could be perceived as restricting students.”

While the nation struggles to contain the growing threat of measles, experts predict that more universities will see outbreaks like that at UCLA and Cal State LA. And while public health officials scramble to identify everyone who might be at risk, quarantines are a likely option.

“These things are well within traditional public health powers,” said Gostin. “I think they are constitutional, I think they are ethical, and I think if they were well enforced they would be effective.”

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