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Live updates: Trump impeachment inquiry – CNNPolitics

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky gestures as he speaks after tactical exercises at the National Guard training ground near Stare village on Sept. 30, 2019.
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky gestures as he speaks after tactical exercises at the National Guard training ground near Stare village on Sept. 30, 2019. SERGEI SUPINSKY/AFP/Getty Images

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky said it was unlikely his office would share its own transcript of his call with President Trump.

“It seems to me that we are at a high level when we do not need to do such a thing,” Zelensky said. “There are some things and nuances that I think should not go public. However, as you can see, there are no secrets. 

“They made it public, so it is public. That’s their own deal,” he said.

The Ukrainian leader, speaking to reporters at military drills organized by the country’s interior ministry, said his country is not opposed to opening an investigation into the claims against former Vice President Joe Biden and his son, Hunter, but rejects acting solely on the orders of another country.

There is no evidence of wrongdoing by either Joe or Hunter Biden.

“We are not doing anything by commands. I can say it again — we are an independent country. We are not following any commands. We have only one command: to serve Ukraine,” Zelensky said, adding that Ukraine’s “independent law enforcement agencies are ready to investigate any sorts of proceedings if the law was broken.” 

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The latest on the Trump impeachment inquiry – CNNPolitics

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky gestures as he speaks after tactical exercises at the National Guard training ground near Stare village on Sept. 30, 2019.
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky gestures as he speaks after tactical exercises at the National Guard training ground near Stare village on Sept. 30, 2019. SERGEI SUPINSKY/AFP/Getty Images

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky said it was unlikely his office would share its own transcript of his call with President Trump.

“It seems to me that we are at a high level when we do not need to do such a thing,” Zelensky said. “There are some things and nuances that I think should not go public. However, as you can see, there are no secrets. 

“They made it public, so it is public. That’s their own deal,” he said.

The Ukrainian leader, speaking to reporters at military drills organized by the country’s interior ministry, said his country is not opposed to opening an investigation into the claims against former Vice President Joe Biden and his son, Hunter, but rejects acting solely on the orders of another country.

There is no evidence of wrongdoing by either Joe or Hunter Biden.

“We are not doing anything by commands. I can say it again — we are an independent country. We are not following any commands. We have only one command: to serve Ukraine,” Zelensky said, adding that Ukraine’s “independent law enforcement agencies are ready to investigate any sorts of proceedings if the law was broken.” 

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Giulianis journey to the center of Trumps impeachment battle started with a phone call in 2018

In between, Giuliani conducted a one-man messaging war, going on Fox News at least four times, talking to numerous reporters, and sending more than 50 tweets, many of which were about Joe Biden, his son Hunter, and their alleged dealings in Ukraine.

It was a surreal climax for Giuliani’s 10-month, quixotic mission aimed at proving his theory that the origins of the investigation into Russian election interference can be traced back to Democrats’ dealings in Ukraine. Along the way he went to Warsaw, Madrid, and very nearly Ukraine. He met with foreign nationals, coordinated with US State Department officials, dropped vague, confusing accusations in cable-TV appearances, and ceaselessly pitched US journalists on what he claims is one of the biggest scandals in modern American history— all while whispering in Donald Trump’s ear about how Ukraine contained the keys to revealing truths about the President’s political rivals.

Giuliani himself now faces the prospect of being in the crosshairs of the House’s impeachment investigation.

Speaking Friday with CNN’s Jim Sciutto, Rep. Mike Quigley, an Illinois Democrat on the House Intelligence Committee,
did not rule out calling on Giuliani to testify or even subpoenaing him. “I obviously have several questions for him,” Quigley said.

Giuliani said he would not testify without consulting his client, Trump, and that testimony about his work for the President should be protected by attorney-client privilege.

“Ultimately, if I were to say yes and he were to say no, I can’t testify,”
Giuliani told CNN Friday. Not long after, news broke that he had told Sky News essentially the opposite that he would in fact testify.

Asked if he was concerned he would be subpoenaed by the House, Giuliani laughed.

“I consider them a joke. A sad joke. They have no legitimacy. I would think of challenging their subpoena on the grounds that they’re not a legitimate committee,” Giuliani said.

Through it all, Giuliani has put up a defiant front. “What they should be doing is giving me an award for uncovering something that when it’s looked back on, someone’s going to say, ‘Why were you all asleep?'” he told CNN Thursday.

Rudy goes rogue

Rudy Giuliani finds himself at the heart of the events that led to President Trump's impeachment battleRudy Giuliani finds himself at the heart of the events that led to President Trump's impeachment battle

Giuliani’s role in Ukraine can be traced back to November 2018, when he was contacted by someone he describes as a “well-known investigator” who connected him with a Ukrainian-American businessman in Florida named Lev Parnas.

Through Parnas, who did not respond to CNN’s request for comment, Giuliani began speaking with multiple Ukrainian nationals about information about two subjects of interest to his client, President Trump.

The first regarded what Giuliani has described as collusion between Democrats and Ukraine during the 2016 election. The second is the claim that Vice President Biden had pressured Ukraine to halt an investigation connected to his own son.

One of the people Giuliani says he spoke with in December 2018, over Skype, was Viktor Shokin, Ukraine’s former prosecutor general. In 2016, Biden was among multiple Western leaders who successfully urged Ukraine to dismiss Shokin from the country’s top prosecutor position, citing his insufficient work to root out corruption.

Viktor Shokin in 2015Viktor Shokin in 2015

But Shokin told Giuliani a different story: that he was pushed out to stop an investigation into Burisma Holdings, a Ukrainian natural gas company that included Hunter Biden as a compensated board member.

That story is littered with holes, and neither Giuliani nor anyone else has provided any evidence of actual wrongdoing by Biden or his son.

“Not one single credible outlet has given any credibility to his assertion,” Biden said Friday. “Not one single one, and so I have no comment except the President should start to be president.”

There is no evidence Hunter Biden was ever under investigation.

According to a report from Bloomberg, the Ukrainian government’s case against Burisma had been “dormant” since 2014, two years before Shokin was dismissed at Biden’s urging. Furthermore, Biden was also joined in his anti-corruption push against the prosecutor by numerous leaders in Europe as well as the International Monetary Fund — none of whom had any family ties to Burisma.

But the idea intrigued Giuliani. “I said, ‘Holy sh*t, what’s that all about?'”
he told CNN earlier this year.

Giuliani kept pursuing both stories, the Biden allegations and the so-called collusion in the 2016 election. Giuliani says he twice met with Shokin’s successor as prosecutor general, Yuriy Lutsenko — in New York in January 2019, then in Warsaw in February. Giuliani told CNN he learned more about both cases from Lutsenko, and that he also heard about Lutsenko’s dissatisfaction with the US ambassador’s supposed request that he drop certain prosecutions. In an April interview with the Babel, a Ukrainian news outlet, Lutsenko confirmed this account of their conversations.

Yuriy Lutsenko speaks during a briefing at the Central Election Commission in Kiev, Ukraine earlier this year.Yuriy Lutsenko speaks during a briefing at the Central Election Commission in Kiev, Ukraine earlier this year.

According to the whistleblower’s complaint, Giuliani’s interactions with Ukrainian officials prompted concern among US officials about the “circumvention of national security decision-making processes.”

Indeed, Giuliani’s actions
alarmed a number of career State Department officials, prompting some of them to keep distance between their work and his, according to multiple sources familiar with the matter. Specifically, they worried that being involved with his efforts would mean they were acting with a partisan political agenda, which as career foreign service officers they were not permitted to do.

Giuliani told CNN this week he never heard about any of those concerns. “If they were going to get upset about this, they should have gotten upset about it in January or February,” he said.

But there were limits to Giuliani’s freelance diplomacy, and it turns out Lutsenko was hardly a reliable source of information. That’s partly due to the fact that Lutsenko’s hold on power was precarious following Ukraine’s April presidential election. Lutsenko may also have had ulterior motives for pushing the Biden conspiracy with Giuliani. The transition between presidents in Ukraine meant that his job as prosecutor general was in jeopardy, and having a line to a close adviser to the US President was a good way to stay relevant.

Indeed, Lutsenko would end up backing off some of his claims that Giuliani worked to amplify, including that his office was reopening its investigation into Burisma and Biden. Lutsenko would leave his position as prosecutor general on August 29.

The administration gets involved

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The public first got wind of Giuliani’s Ukraine actions in May, when press reports, including one in the New York Times, described how Giuliani was promoting allegations about Biden and Burisma.

At the time, Giuliani told reporters, including CNN, that he was planning to travel to Ukraine to gather more information. Within a day of reports of his trip however, Giuliani canceled, telling CNN he was concerned that President-elect Zelensky had advisers around him who were “very vocal opponents of President Trump and peculiarly vocal supporters of Hillary Clinton” and that his trip would have accomplished little.

From there, the story faded from public view, but Giuliani kept working behind the scenes. A crucial development came on July 19, when Giuliani says the State Department’s special envoy to Ukraine, Kurt Volker, offered to place him in touch with one of Zelensky’s top advisers, Andriy Yermak.

According to the whistleblower complaint, “multiple officials” told the whistleblower that Ukrainian officials were “led to believe that a meeting or phone call between” Trump and Zelensky would depend on Zelensky’s willingness to “play ball” on the cases raised by Giuliani.

Several days after the July 25 call, Giuliani told CNN he met with Yermak in person in Madrid on August 1.

After their meeting, Giuliani told CNN that he called Volker to relay the message he’d gotten from Yermak— that Zelensky was ridding himself of “leftovers and bad actors.”

“I relayed back to him that I thought the guy was straight,” Giuliani told CNN.

The whistleblower’s complaint claims US officials characterized the August Madrid meeting as a “direct follow-up” to Trump’s call with Zelensky.

“I never talked to a Ukrainian official until the State Department called me and asked me to do it,” he told Laura Ingraham Tuesday.

The next morning, the White House released the transcript of Trump’s July 25 call with Zelensky, and Giuliani was relatively quiet and unresponsive to text messages from CNN.

But on Thursday, however, things ramped up again. The whistleblower complaint was released and the acting Director of National Intelligence was at a hearing in front the House Intelligence Committee. And it put Giuliani in full-attack mode.

Included in the complaint was the whistleblower’s claim that two State Department officials had spoken to Giuliani to “contain the damage” he was doing to US national security interests regarding his work with Ukraine — something Giuliani strongly disputed.

Again, Giuliani went out of his way on the phone to CNN to point out that he had been in touch with Volker, telling CNN he had a “nice little trail” of text message conversations with Volker that would prove the State Department was fully aware of his actions regarding Ukraine.

But by now, the damage was done. Giuliani’s involvement was enough not only to help prompt the House’s impeachment inquiry but to raise the possibility he could be a witness.

Events began to move very quickly by Friday afternoon. News first broke that House Democrats had subpoenaed Pompeo. A few hours later, Volker resigned from his post as the top diplomat to Ukraine. Giuliani’s defense of himself — that his Ukraine work had the blessing of the State Department — was already causing heads to roll.

The 75-year-old former mayor, speaking with CNN Friday, was practically sanguine about this last development.

“He seemed like a very knowledgeable guy to me,” said Giuliani, when asked about Volker’s departure. “And a decent guy.”

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Trump allies concerned he doesnt understand gravity of impeachment fight

Pelosi and her deputies have signaled they’ll work quickly to depose key players in the Ukraine scandal,
hoping for swift proceedings that won’t spill into the 2020 election year. But Trump has been slow to cobble together a response, convinced he has no need for a separate impeachment team and confident in his own ability to counter-message Democrats, multiple sources close to the White House told CNN.

Six days after Pelosi’s announcement, there is now a growing concern among the President’s allies that he doesn’t understand the implications of what lies ahead or how quickly it’s moving.

Trump spent the weekend on the phone with aides and allies, railing against the whistleblower and those who provided the person with information related to his phone calls with foreign leaders, according to people familiar with the conversations.

Washington at war: Dems aim for speedy impeachment push as Trump threatens whistleblowerWashington at war: Dems aim for speedy impeachment push as Trump threatens whistleblower

He also waged battle on Twitter, calling for the outing of the whistleblower, demanding the House intelligence Chairman Adam Schiff be questioned for treason after he read a fictionalized version of the President’s call with Zelensky and accusing officials who provided the whistleblower with information of spying.

Aside from the fervent tweeting, there were signs the White House would rely on its allies in Congress to defend the President as the impeachment inquiry heats up.

Yet the limits of that plan were apparent Sunday, as
Republican lawmakers struggled to justify what Trump said to his Ukrainian counterpart during a July phone call.
A whistleblower complaint alleges Trump abused his official powers “to solicit interference” from Ukraine on that call in the upcoming 2020 election, and that the White House took steps to cover it up.

Trump has denied doing anything improper, despite a transcript released by the White House showing he repeatedly pushed Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky to investigate former Vice President Joe Biden — his potential 2020 political rival — and his son, Hunter Biden.

There is no evidence of wrongdoing by Joe or Hunter Biden.

Rocky interviews

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In interviews on Sunday talk shows, top GOP allies of the President repeated White House talking points — or in the case of Sen. Lindsey Graham of South Carolina, appeared to be reading directly from a prepared script. In an appearance on CBS’ “60 Minutes,” House Republican Leader Kevin McCarthy was challenged for regurgitating White House talking points, though he denied having received them.

Rep. Jim Jordan, the top Republican on the House Oversight Committee, and CNN’s Jake Tapper got into a contentious exchange Sunday on “State of the Union” after the lawmaker made false and misleading claims about the unfolding Ukraine drama.

The Sunday appearances did little to quell the furor around Trump’s behavior.

While they were in front of cameras without a strong rebuttal, Trump privately resisted appeals for help. He has dismissed talks of forming an impeachment response team, raging that talk of bringing former aides back to help him projected weakness.

Last week, some of Trump’s allies raised bringing in his former campaign manager
Corey Lewandowski to spearhead a response team. The two men never discussed the idea directly, and talks fell apart after Trump grew angry that the discussions became public. White House aides now say
it doesn’t appear likely to happen.
And he has privately declared he doesn’t need any more lawyers, even though several people have privately told him that his personal attorney,
Rudy Giuliani, isn’t helping him.
Other outside attorneys who defended Trump during special counsel Robert Mueller’s investigation into Russian meddling in the 2016 election, including
Jay Sekulow, have switched to working on impeachment. Despite Trump’s resistance, at least one administration official conceded it was likely additional lawyers would be needed.

No war room

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Sekulow said last week that no impeachment war room at the White House is being set up. The President met Friday with White House lawyers and his personal counsel to discuss a strategy for dealing with the Democrats’ impeachment investigation.

Aides were expected to further brief Trump on plans for an impeachment response sometime this week, according to administration officials, though some inside the White House view the past six days as a lost opportunity to shape public opinion at the outset of the inquiry.

Trump has sought to control the message himself on Twitter, mainly in angry bursts fueled by conservative media.

The fuming has caused some fractures within the Republican Party — a problem for the White House, which has largely relied on Republicans in Congress and outside the administration to defend Trump, instead of internal administration officials.

GOP Rep. Adam Kinzinger of Illinois, responding to Trump’s tweet quoting a pastor warning of a “Civil War like fracture,”
wrote that language was “beyond repugnant.”

“I have visited nations ravaged by civil war,” he wrote. “I have never imagined such a quote to be repeated by a President.”

Trump’s first homeland security adviser Tom Bossert, who was pushed out when John Bolton arrived as national security adviser, was the first former official to break with Trump on the nature of his call with Zelensky, saying he was “deeply disturbed” by the matter but cautioned that it was “far from proven” whether the President threatened to withhold military aid over it.

Still, Bossert painted a portrait of a President consumed by “debunked” conspiracy theories about Ukraine, warned over and over they were wrong, and still intent on pursuing them.

“At this point I am deeply frustrated with what he and the legal team is doing and repeating that debunked theory to the President. It sticks in his mind when he hears it over and over again,” Bossert said on ABC’s “This Week.”

Giuliani effect

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Stalled Ukraine military aid concerned members of Congress for months

There was growing speculation by the end of August. Congressional leaders, their aides and members of key committees — including the Appropriations, Armed Services and Foreign Relations committees — were scrambling to figure out why money that had been appropriated by Congress months before still hadn’t been disbursed. Outreach by lawmakers to key agencies left few clues other than the delay was coming from the White House and no one could pinpoint exactly what the reason was.

Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell got involved, reaching out to both Secretary of State Mike Pompeo and Defense Secretary Mark Esper as other members urged action with letters, public statements, floor speeches and staff outreach.

“I have no idea what precipitated the delay, but I was among those advocating that we needed to stick with our Ukrainian friends,” McConnell, a Republican from Kentucky, said about his outreach last week.

In more than a dozen interviews with members of Congress and aides in recent days, many lawmakers on both sides of the aisle say that while they don’t remember the exact timeline of when they became aware there was an issue with Ukraine funding, there was a growing sense at the end of August that Congress needed to push the administration harder when it returned from its Augusts recess to release it. Sen. Lindsey Graham, a member of the Senate Armed Services and Foreign Relations Committee, told CNN he talked to the Pentagon about the funding multiple times.

Impeachment inquiry into Trump will test power of 'fully operational' right-wing media machineImpeachment inquiry into Trump will test power of 'fully operational' right-wing media machine

“I called the Pentagon. The Pentagon said that they were worried about the new administration, they were doing their due diligence, they were worried about corruption, they were worried about military aid. They wanted to figure out what was what. I said, ‘Fine, just figure it out,’ ” Graham said, adding that it wasn’t unusual for President Donald Trump not to be keen on foreign aid.

“As to the President, he wants to withhold aid across the board to get people to pay more,” said Graham, a South Carolina Republican and key congressional ally to Trump, arguing there is no connection between the money and the President trying to get dirt on his potential political opponents.

Trump and his supporters on Capitol Hill and at the White House have denied there was any
quid pro quo. Instead, Trump’s supporters have argued the delay in military funding came out of a fear the administration had about corruption in Ukraine.

Over the summer, Sen. Bob Menendez, the top Democrat on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, had his staff making regular phone calls to the State Department while Menendez himself applied public pressure.

In a statement on August 29, Menendez said “in willfully delaying these funds, the Trump Administration is once again trying to circumvent Congress’ Constitutional prerogative of appropriating funds for U.S. government agencies. It is also undermining a key policy priority that has broad and deep bipartisan support.”

Sen. Chris Murphy, a Democrat from Connecticut, who planned to travel to Ukraine in the first week of September also released a statement urging the administration to release the money.

“Everything I had heard was that this was a decision made by the President. It was his decision and it was his decision alone,” Chris Murphy, a Democrat from Connecticut, told CNN.

Republican Sens. Ron Johnson of Wisconsin and Rob Portman of Ohio each spoke directly with the President about it as well.

Earlier in the summer, most members and aides hadn’t raised a red flag on Ukraine aid. The money hadn’t been sent out, but given this was an administration where key players had made no secret of how they felt about foreign aid, it wasn’t particularly unusual.

The President had been open he detested how much the US government sent to countries abroad. It was a refrain of his campaign. And Mick Mulvaney, the President’s acting chief of staff and OMB director, who had earned a reputation from his colleagues on the Hill as a take-no-prisoners budget slasher, had been pushing for a rescissions package throughout the summer that would have cut roughly $4 billion in foreign aid. Many members and aides assumed a holdup on Ukraine funding could have something to do with the package.

On August 22, news reports indicate Mulvaney and the administration had relented on rescissions, however. And, it was after that fight was over, members began to wonder why military aid to Ukraine still had not gone out. At the end of August, Politico reported millions in military aid to Ukraine was still being slow-walked.

A bipartisan priority

Lawmakers were struck by the fact that this was money that had already been appropriated with broad bipartisan support. Ukraine military aid was a rare, foreign policy issue that united members of both parties. Supporting the country was widely viewed on Capitol Hill as a way to deter Russian aggression, keep them at bay and secure the region. The fact that the money was being held up and without a clear explanation or briefings about a changing policy prescription in the region, bothered many.

While, it wasn’t unprecedented for an administration to change course or hold back money if there was an evolving situation in a country they were aiding, it was unusual for members of the relevant committees not to be in the loop on those discussions.

“We would have expected congressional notification that in fact monies were being held, and that would have elicited from us a briefing and normally we would have gotten a briefing,” Menendez told CNN.

He added, “This is emblematic of this administration in so many ways.”

There were two separate lines of money being held up. There was $250 million in military aid that was appropriated to come from the Department of Defense that had yet to be dispersed and another $140 million that was supposed to come from the State Department. A Democratic Senate aide told CNN last week that the Defense Committees had been alerted by the Department of Defense that they were prepared to send off $125 million in February and then another $125 million in May.

A top Pentagon official sent a letter to Congress in May certifying Ukraine was making progress in the fight against corruption justifying the US provide Ukraine with a $250 million military assistance.

On June 18, the
Pentagon announced plans to provide $250 million to Ukraine in security cooperation funds for additional training, equipment and advisory efforts to build the capacity of Ukraine’s armed forces.

Then, nothing, according to a congressional aide and a US official familiar with the correspondence.

“We’d been given signals twice by the administration that they were going to release the funds then nothing happened. In August we were told the OMB is holding it,” Senate Minority Whip Dick Durbin said. “They were withholding these funds that had been appropriated and signed into law by the President until the last two weeks of the fiscal year. That’s crazy. It hardly ever happens,”

Another Democratic aide told CNN that the State Department notified OMB of their intention to obligate the $141 million in aid to Ukraine on June 21. Typically, that process would have just been a courtesy. OMB would have had up to five days to ask questions about the process. But, instead, it was more than two months before Congress received a notice that the money was being dispersed.

State Department officials told Senate staffers in a briefing last week that the department had no objections to the money moving forward and were not aware that OMB had sat on it, according to a Senate source. But officials in the meeting pointed the finger directly at Mulvaney as the person who directed the State Department not to send out the funds.

In the beginning of September, Johnson and Murphy traveled to Ukraine. When they returned, they both talked to Durbin, an Illinois Democrat and vice chairman of the Senate Appropriations Defense Subcommittee, about the need to make sure Ukraine got their money.

“I will tell you who brought it up to me was Ron Johnson,” Durbin said. “He came back from Ukraine and said ‘we gotta get this money released.’ And, I said, ‘I’ll look into it.’ “

Murphy would say later about his time in Ukraine that there had been “near panic” in the country during his trip about whether America was really committed to their relationship in part because of delayed aid.

In the meantime, more senators were catching on to the fact that the money was being held and they pointed their attention at Mulvaney. On September 3, Portman and Johnson along with Democratic Sens. Jeanne Shaheen of New Hampshire and Richard Blumenthal also of Connecticut — members of the bipartisan Ukraine caucus — sent a letter to Mulvaney demanding answers as to what was going on with the money.

“This body has long advocated for increasing the military capacity and capabilities of Ukraine — a fledgling democracy that is pro-West and pro-United States and since 2014 has been under increased military, political and economic pressure from Russia,” the senators wrote.

In the House, the Foreign Affairs Committee Chairman Eliot Engel of New York and the committee’s top Republican, Rep. Michael McCaul of Texas, sent their own letter to Mulvaney two days later.

Finally, there was an opportunity to put the Trump administration on the spot.

A little-noticed committee vote

Durbin had been working on an amendment, which would hold back money to the Pentagon if the administration didn’t spend military aid money for Ukraine on time. He’d been talking with one very concerned Republican about it: Lindsey Graham.

On September 12, the Senate Appropriations Committee gaveled into their Defense Appropriations markup hearing. The routine session was mired with fireworks over the President’s campaign promise of a border wall between the US and Mexico, but the meeting made news for another reason.

Graham announced the Trump administration had finally released the military aid for Ukraine. There was no longer any reason for Durbin to offer his amendment.

“Why was it released? Because of your amendment,” Graham told the committee. “That is why it was released because I was going to vote for it … If you are listening in Ukraine on C-SPAN, you are going to get the money.”

Graham pushed for Durbin to drop his amendment.

“We can call the Secretary of Defense at any time we want to about 2020 funds and say, ‘When are you going to release the funds to the Ukraine? If you have a legitimate problem, tell us now.’ If they give us the run-around, count me in on a bill that will get 90 votes,” Graham said.

Durbin spoke anyway, flirting with the idea he’d still force the committee to vote on his amendment that would put pressure on the administration to spend Ukraine aid money in the next fiscal year or face consequences.

But, multiple Republicans also chimed in that they were concerned about the money having been withheld. Sen. Susan Collins, a Republican from Maine, said she was “inclined” to vote for the amendment because “I think it has been a problem that the money has not been released.”

Louisiana GOP Sen. John Kennedy asked multiple times, “Mr. Chairman I would like to ask Sen. Durbin and Sen. Murphy why they think the funds were held up. “

Durbin responded, “We don’t know.”

Durbin withdrew the amendment, which he said at the time was an act of good faith.

Less than two weeks later, Democrats across Capitol Hill including Durbin announced support for the
House’s official impeachment inquiry.

CNN’s Ellie Kaufman, Zachary Cohen, Ali Zaslav, Phil Mattingly, Ryan Browne contributed to this report.

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Former State Department official told dozens of his emails are being labeled classified years later

The letter marks one instance of what the
Washington Post reported Saturday as a wide-scale reclassification of emails sent to Clinton’s private email by as many as 130 current and former senior State Department officials.

The recent change in the investigation was an effort to harass diplomats for doing their job, several people told the Post, as Trump had made Clinton’s use of private email servers during her tenure as secretary of state a staple of his 2016 presidential campaign rhetoric.

The report of the intensifying email probe against Trump’s former political rival comes days after the
release of a whistleblower complaint that alleges Trump abused his official powers “to solicit interference” from Ukraine in the upcoming 2020 election, and that the White House took steps to cover it up. Trump has denied any wrongdoing. A transcript released by the White House shows Trump repeatedly pushed Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky to investigate former Vice President Joe Biden, his potential 2020 political rival, and his son, Hunter Biden.

There is no evidence of wrongdoing by Joe or Hunter Biden.

House Democrats this past week launched a formal impeachment inquiry into the President.

The former official told CNN he first received a letter by mail from the Bureau of Diplomatic Security in January 2018, years after leaving the government. The letter alerted him that some of his emails sent on the unclassified system should have been sent on a classified system.

Then on August 5, another letter from the Bureau of Diplomatic Security was sent — this time in an email — informing him of the change in status of the emails.

“It has been determined that, at the time they were sent, a number of these emails contained classified information which were not property marked as such,” the letter stated.

The official told CNN that it appeared to him the emails were reviewed again, but with a stricter criteria because more emails were flagged in the second letter that the agency said should have been labeled classified. The official said he has talked to multiple former and current State Department colleagues who received a new letter and that there is a lot of confusion among them about why this is happening now.

Washington Post: State Department steps up email probe of dozens of former Hillary Clinton aides Washington Post: State Department steps up email probe of dozens of former Hillary Clinton aides
Current and former officials told the
Post dozens of officials have been contacted in recent weeks by investigators at the State Department.

Those targeted, including senior officials as well as others in lower-level jobs, have been notified that emails they sent years ago have been retroactively classified and now are potential security violations, the newspaper said.

While a former senior US official familiar with the email investigation told the Post that the email investigation is a way for Republicans “to keep the Clinton email issue alive,” senior State Department officials countered to the newspaper that they are following standard protocol in an investigation that began before Trump became President.

Hillary Clinton reads her emails at Venice art exhibitHillary Clinton reads her emails at Venice art exhibit

An FBI investigation found that of the 30,000 emails Clinton provided in 2014 to the State Department from her server, 110 contained classified information at the time they were sent or received. The agency did not recommend charges against Clinton, though then-FBI Director James Comey rebuked her and her aides for being “extremely careless.”

CNN’s Kate Sullivan and Caroline Kelly contributed to this report.

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The Rehnquist files: How the last chief justice handled an impeachment trial

Finding the chief justice in such a public setting offered a sea change from his usual place in the secretive third branch of government. Cameras are barred from Supreme Court proceedings and the justices, when they do speak publicly, are cagey about internal deliberations or disagreements.

As Rehnquist told senators back in 1999: “I underwent the sort of culture shock that naturally occurs when one moves from the very structured environment of the Supreme Court to what I shall call, for want of a better phrase, the more freeform environment of the Senate.”

Rehnquist’s correspondence from 1998 and 1999, contained in his archive at the Hoover Institution at Stanford University, reveals some of the dilemmas the chief justice weighed at the time and the attention he drew.

His concerns ranged from the intricacies of Senate rules to whether he could obtain a tax deduction for donating his black robe, famously bedecked with gold stripes on the sleeves, to the Smithsonian.

For Rehnquist, the experience of sitting on the dais above the senators’ wooden desks was inspiring. “[I]t is an historical occasion, and it has given me a chance to see the Senate in action at first hand,” he wrote to a friend in January 1999 as the five-week trial of President Bill Clinton was underway.

Rehnquist, who died in 2005 and was succeeded by Roberts, was an amateur historian who in 1992 had written a book about impeachment. He understood the weight of the moment but also that the leading players in it were senators. He saw his role as largely ministerial and relied heavily on a Senate parliamentarian.

“On several occasions when asked what I did at the trial,” Rehnquist wrote to a man in Carson City, Nevada, “I took a leaf out of [the Gilbert and Sullivan comic opera]
Iolanthe and replied, ‘I did nothing in particular, and did it very well.'” The gold stripes that Rehnquist had affixed to his robe years earlier also had been inspired by a character in Iolanthe.

Yet Rehnquist also groaned that he still had to keep up with the usual run of Supreme Court cases, so, as he wrote in one letter, “the trial is in one sense an unwelcome burden … I have been relieved of none of my responsibilities here at the Court.”

Exclusive: How John Roberts killed the census citizenship questionExclusive: How John Roberts killed the census citizenship question

The magnitude of an impeachment trial for a US president — only two have been held in US history — is underscored by the Constitution’s specific mention that the chief justice presides.

This week, the House of Representatives took a formal first step toward a Trump impeachment when Democrats launched a formal inquiry after it became public that Trump had spoken in July with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky about former Vice President Joe Biden, a possible Democratic rival to Trump’s reelection bid.

If the House were to vote to impeach Trump, it would fall to the Senate to decide whether to convict or acquit, with Chief Justice Roberts presiding. That could create some angst for Roberts, who has increasingly tried to separate the court from the political polarization seizing the country.

Suddenly in the spotlight

The then-Republican-controlled House of Representatives had impeached Democrat Clinton in December 1998, partly based on his grand jury denial of a sexual relationship with former White House intern Monica Lewinsky.

Clinton’s Senate trial, which began on January 7 and ended February 12, 1999, was only the second such hearing in US history. President Andrew Johnson’s 1868 trial was the first, and he — like Clinton — was acquitted. A vote of two-thirds of the Senate is required for conviction; to impeach in the House, only a simple majority is needed.

Under Senate rules, Rehnquist’s specific impeachment files are closed to the public along with other Senate trial materials. But his private correspondence from the months that he handled related issues is available in his Hoover Institution papers.

Before the trial, Rehnquist was not a familiar public face, despite having been a justice since 1972 (appointed by Richard Nixon) and chief since 1986 (elevated by Ronald Reagan). But when Rehnquist began presiding at the nationally televised Senate trial, he heard from old school chums, former colleagues, and regular citizens captivated by the trial.

Many people wrote about his bad back. Rehnquist would stand periodically during the trial to stretch, as was his practice during Supreme Court oral arguments. A woman from Mobile, Alabama, sent him a Sacro Wedgy back support device, and a man from Independence, Missouri, promised a chinning bar.

Rehnquist, then 74, responded to the latter: “The chinning bar will join at least a dozen other devices and remedies which other back sufferers have sent to me since the impeachment trial began.”

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The chief justice also became grist for humorists such as Dave Barry and late-night comics such as David Letterman, particularly for those untraditional gold stripes. Yet senators and legal analysts praised Rehnquist for an even-handed approach. His first ruling drew notice for going against Republican House managers who were presenting the case for a Clinton conviction.

In that instance, Rehnquist upheld an objection of Democratic Iowa Sen. Tom Harkin to the House mangers’ referring to senators as “jurors.” Declared Rehnquist, “The Senate is not simply a jury. It is a court in this case.”

In a separate episode documented in Rehnquist’s personal correspondence, Harkin sent a letter to Rehnquist asking him to adopt certain limits on the House managers’ questioning of potential witnesses. Rehnquist begged off.

Referring to Senate rules for trial of impeachments, Rehnquist wrote on January 25, “I am by no means certain that I might issue the sort of order you request when the Senate is out of session. But assuming that I have such authority, I would want to use it only … (when) clearly warranted.”

Harry F. Byrd Jr., who had been a US senator from Virginia, told Rehnquist in a note that senators usually do not like listening to fellow senators, and like listening to House members even less. Rehnquist responded, “How true!”

When a friend from Rehnquist’s early law-clerk days at the court grumbled about the public fascination with Lewinsky, after she had been interviewed by ABC’s Barbara Walters in early March, Rehnquist wrote, “I couldn’t bring myself to read or watch any of the ‘Monica’ interviews — what a sad commentary on the country that 69 million people would watch the television presentation!”

What Rehnquist may have thought of Clinton does not emerge in his correspondence. But his file does include a birthday greeting from the White House, sent on September 29, 1998, two days before Rehnquist’s October 1 birthday and just as the impeachment possibility was heating up.

The note does not appear to be especially personal. It is addressed simply to “Justice Rehnquist,” and says, “Happy Birthday! Hillary and I want to wish you the very best on this special occasion and a happy, healthy year to come.”

In September 1998, Independent Counsel Ken Starr had submitted his report extensively detailing Clinton’s relationship with Lewinsky and listing grounds for possible House impeachment.

That September Rehnquist also heard from people asking to assist him if a trial were held. Washington lawyer Neal Katyal, a former Supreme Court law clerk, wrote on September 15, 1998: “In the event that you are interested in hiring a part or full-time law clerk to assist you with any matters related to impeachment, I would be honored to work for you.”

“As you might expect,” Rehnquist responded on September 30, 1998, “I expect to cross that bridge only when I come to it. I will keep your letter on file.” Katyal, who said recently he does not recall the correspondence, today is a regular appellate advocate before the Supreme Court and a prominent critic of Trump.

As Rehnquist wrapped up his work with the Senate, he was in contact with the Smithsonian Institution about the robe he wore for the historic event.

“I will certainly consider donating to the Smithsonian the robe I wore during the Senate impeachment trial,” Rehnquist told the secretary of the Smithsonian in March. “If you want it now, please let me know how I can either get a tax deduction or a new robe at someone else’s expense.”

Rehnquist apparently received what he needed for a tax deduction. A year later, the chief justice recorded that he had donated the robe to the Smithsonian, according to an Associated Press 2000 report on the justices’ annual financial disclosure forms.

Sotheby’s, the chief justice noted, had appraised the robe at $30,000.

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Trumps Ukraine scandal: Whos who?

Just as he was trying to move on from allegations his campaign colluded with Russians against Hillary Clinton in 2016, Trump was ramping up efforts to get Ukraine to stir up trouble for his prospective 2020 challenger Biden. He used official channels to ask the Ukrainian President to look into the Biden family, openly asking Zelensky for a favor during a phone call on July 25 and then suggested his attorney meet with Ukrainian officials. In the July 25 phone call, the Ukrainian President mentioned plans to buy US-made Javelin missiles — which he needs to help guard against potential Russian provocations. At the very same time, Trump was sitting on to nearly $400 million in aid to Ukraine, which he has argued was on hold while he leaned on European countries should give more to Ukraine.

Volodymyr Zelensky, President of Ukraine

Here is Zelensky shooting the television series "Servant of the People" where he plays the role of the President of Ukraine. He was later elected President of Ukraine.Here is Zelensky shooting the television series "Servant of the People" where he plays the role of the President of Ukraine. He was later elected President of Ukraine.

A comedian turned politician, Zelensky’s job before being elected the President of Ukraine was playing the President of Ukraine on television. His country is in the midst of a years-long standoff with Russia over Crimea, an area Russia invaded and annexed in 2014. Zelensky is also dealing with a war against pro-Russian separatists. But his intentions — and whether he is pro-Russian or pro-West — have been something both sides have been trying to determine. His desire for military aid from the US is unquestioned. He flattered Trump during their phone call in July and promised a fair look at the Biden family after Trump asked for an investigation. But
Zelensky clearly does not want to get involved in US politics, and said after the White House released its transcript of the July 25 call that he didn’t think his side would be included.

Rudy Giuiani, Trump attorney

Giuliani drove Trump's focus on Ukraine and the Bidens.Giuliani drove Trump's focus on Ukraine and the Bidens.

The former New York mayor, now the President’s personal attorney and staunch defender on cable news, is
at the center of the Ukraine scandal. He has said he went to Ukraine because was trying to undermine the beginnings of the Russia investigation and protect Trump’s former campaign chairman Paul Manafort, who is currently in prison for tax fraud linked to his business dealings in Ukraine. Giuliani has said he then pivoted after learning about claims concerning Joe Biden’s actions as Vice President, including his public calls in 2016 for a prosecutor in Ukraine to be fired. Giuliani claims that was improper because, at the time, Biden’s son sat on the board of a Ukrainian company that had once been under investigation in Ukraine. After pushing the story about Biden for months, Giuliani ultimately met with a top aide to Zelensky in Madrid, days after the July 25 phone call where Trump asked Zelensky to hear Giuliani out.

William Barr, US attorney general

Barr has remained quiet on the Ukraine scandal, but he was mentioned repeatedly by Trump in the July 25 phone call with Zelensky.Barr has remained quiet on the Ukraine scandal, but he was mentioned repeatedly by Trump in the July 25 phone call with Zelensky.

Barr took over as head of the Department of Justice in February 2019, and oversaw the official release of the Mueller report summing up the government’s investigation into claims that Russia engaged with the Trump campaign to tamper with the 2016 election. Trump asked the Ukrainian President to talk with Barr as part of an investigation he said Barr was conducting. Barr has remained quiet about any involvement in Ukraine, but Democrats have said
they expect him to be called to testify.

Mike Pompeo, US Secretary of state

Mike Pompeo is not mentioned by name in the whistleblower complaint, but he has been subpoenaed by House Democrats.Mike Pompeo is not mentioned by name in the whistleblower complaint, but he has been subpoenaed by House Democrats.

The former Kansas congressman and CIA chief has emerged as one of Trump’s most trusted advisers. While Pompeo is not mentioned by name in the whistleblower complaint, Giuliani has
said the State Department helped set up his meetings with Zelensky aides. Pompeo
was subpoenaed by House committees as part of the impeachment inquiry on September 27.

Mike Pence, vice president of the US

When Trump could not attend a meeting with Zelensky in September, he sent Pence instead.When Trump could not attend a meeting with Zelensky in September, he sent Pence instead.

When Trump canceled a September trip to Poland during which he was supposed to meet with Zelensky, Pence went instead. The vice president told reporters after the meeting that he did not discuss Biden, but that he talked to Zelensky in great detail about Trump’s interest in rooting out corruption in Ukraine, and also about US aid to Ukraine.

Joseph Maguire, acting director of national intelligence

Acting Director of National Intelligence Joseph Maguire faced scrutiny about the whistleblower complaint on Capitol Hill.Acting Director of National Intelligence Joseph Maguire faced scrutiny about the whistleblower complaint on Capitol Hill.

A retired vice admiral and former Navy SEAL, Maguire stepped into his role when former DNI Dan Coats resigned in August. Maguire initially withheld the whistleblower complaint from Congress because his attorneys counseled him that Trump was not part of the intelligence community. Weeks into the job, he’s already been called to testify before Congress over the Ukraine scandal. In that congressional testimony he defended the whistleblower for coming forward.

Pat Cipollone, White House counsel

Pat Cipollone has been White House counsel since 2018.Pat Cipollone has been White House counsel since 2018.

Alongside the allegations about Trump’s effort to influence the Ukrainian President against Biden are the whistleblower’s allegation that White House lawyers sought to cover things up by burying the transcript of the call in a server reserved for highly classified information. Cipollone, as White House counsel, was also involved in the recommendation that Maguire should withhold the whistleblower complaint from Congress,
according to the Washington Post.

Adam Schiff, House Intelligence Committee Chairman

Schiff's intelligence committee will likely lead the most visible impeachment inquiry.Schiff's intelligence committee will likely lead the most visible impeachment inquiry.

A former federal prosecutor, Schiff is a confidant of House Speaker Nancy Pelosi. She has designated the California congressman to take the lead in the Democrats’ inquiry into the whistleblower complaint. He is a frequent target of Trump, who refers to him as “liddle” Adam Schiff.

Devin Nunes, House Intelligence Committee Ranking Member

Nunes has been one of Trump's most vocal supporters.Nunes has been one of Trump's most vocal supporters.

If Schiff is the prosecutor, Nunes — also from California — will play the role of Trump’s defender. Long an apologist for the President on the Russia investigation, Nunes has pivoted to defending Trump on Ukraine. With his seat next to Schiff, he will play an important role.

Nancy Pelosi, Speaker of the US House of Representatives

Pelosi had been cool to pursuing impeachment until the whistleblower story broke.Pelosi had been cool to pursuing impeachment until the whistleblower story broke.

Pelosi is in her second stint as the top elected Democrat in the country, and nothing will move forward on impeachment without her support. After months of slowing calls by Democrats for impeachment proceedings over the findings of the Mueller report, Pelosi quickly moved to
change course and begin official impeachment proceedings after the substance of Trump’s Ukraine actions as detailed in the whistleblower complaint became clear.

Yuriy Lutsenko, former Ukrainian General Prosecutor

The former top prosecutor in Ukraine, Lustenko had complained about the US ambassador.The former top prosecutor in Ukraine, Lustenko had complained about the US ambassador.

A holdover from the administration that preceded Zelensky in Ukraine, Lutsenko was Giuliani’s original target to influence toward an investigation of the Bidens and Burisma. Lutsenko said in May he had looked to reanimate the investigation, but also that there was no evidence of any wrongdoing by Hunter Biden. His comments to a reporter for The Hill that there should be an investigation into whether Ukrainians had meddled in the 2016 US election may have helped fuel Giuliani’s focus on Ukraine. He resigned in August.

Vladimir Putin, President of Russia

Putin's Russia annexed Crimea, which had been part of Ukraine, in 2014.Putin's Russia annexed Crimea, which had been part of Ukraine, in 2014.

Putin is not directly related to the whistleblower complaint, but his shadow looms over this entire story and generally over Trump’s presidency. The reason Zelensky and Ukraine want the military aid is their standoff with Russia over Russia’s 2014 annexation of Crimea.

Andriy Yermak, aide to Ukrainian President

A top adviser to Zelensky, Yermak met with Giuliani in Madrid a week after Trump’s call with Zelensky. According to the whistleblower complaint, various US officials said this meeting was a “direct follow-up” to the July 25th call.

T. Ulrich Brechbuhl, State Department Counselor

A West Point classmate and business partner of Pompeo, Brechbuhl is mentioned in the complaint as having listened to Trump’s call with Zelensky as it occurred. The State Department has denied he listened in.

Kurt Volker, US Special Representative for Ukraine Negotiations

Kurt Volker is the administration's point person on Ukraine.Kurt Volker is the administration's point person on Ukraine.

The administration’s point person on Ukraine, Volker is a key figure in this story. He’s mentioned in the whistleblower complaint as trying to advise Ukrainian officials on how to deal with Trump and Giuliani. It was Volker who apparently set up the meeting between Giuliani and Yerkmak, Zelensky’s aide. He is essentially a volunteer, however, and still works for BGR group, a Washington lobbying firm that has represented the government of Ukraine.

Volker reportedly
resigned his position on Friday, three sources familiar with the matter told CNN.

Gordon Sondland, United States Ambassador to the EU

Sonland is mentioned in the Whistleblower complaint alongside Volker.Sonland is mentioned in the Whistleblower complaint alongside Volker.

Mentioned in the complaint alongside Volker, the two were said by the whistleblower to be advising the Ukrainian leadership about how to deal with Trump and Giuliani.

Marie Yovanovitch, former US Ambassador to Ukraine

Trump said the former ambassador to Ukraine, whom his administration recalled, was "bad news."Trump said the former ambassador to Ukraine, whom his administration recalled, was "bad news."

After complaints by Lutsenko, the Ukrainian prosecutor, and Republicans in the US, Yovanovitch was recalled from her post. A career member of the foreign service who has served in ambassadorships under three presidents, she was sworn in as ambassador to Ukraine in August 2016 and recalled in May 2019, prompting Democrats to accuse the White House of a ”
political hit job.” In the phone call with Zelensky, Trump disparaged her,
calling her “bad news” and saying, “she’s going to go through some things.”

John Durham, US Attorney for District of Connecticut

US attorney John Durham was brought in by Barr to lead an after-action probe of the Russia investigation.US attorney John Durham was brought in by Barr to lead an after-action probe of the Russia investigation.

Mentioned in the whistelblower complaint because he was tapped by Barr to lead a probe into the beginnings of the Russia investigation and, according to the DOJ, was investigating Ukraine.

Michael Atkinson, Inspector General of the Intelligence Community

The whistleblower complaint was originally delivered to Michael Atkinson.The whistleblower complaint was originally delivered to Michael Atkinson.

As ICIG,
Atkinson was the first to receive the whistleblower complaint. He informed Congress that it was initially being withheld from the House Intelligence committee despite his determination that it represented an “urgent concern.” He told the committee he was at an “impasse” with Maguire over the complaint and whether Congress should be informed about its existence or its contents. He was appointed to his position by Trump after many years at the Department of Justice.

Stephen Engel, Director, Office of Legal Counsel

A top attorney at the Department of Justice,
it was Engel’s job to review whether the whistleblower complaint was an “urgent concern” fromt he perspective of the DOJ. He recommended keeping the complaint at the DOJ for a possible criminal probe instead of sending to Congress, as the law would seem to require. That set up the showdown between Atkinson, the inspector general and Maguire, the acting DNI.

General counsel at an intelligence agency

Even before the whistleblower filed the complaint, the White House was aware of the whistleblower’s concerns because an intelligence agency’s general counsel notified lawyers at the Justice Department and the White House after the whistleblower flagged them through an anonymous process,
according to The New York Times.

John Eisenberg, a deputy White House counsel

The first person at the White House notified about concerns ultimately raised by the whistleblower. He and the intelligence agency’s general counsel contacted the Justice Department together,
according to The Times.

John Demers, head of the Justice Department’s national security division; Jeffrey Rosen, deputy attorney general; Brian Benczkowski, head of DOJ criminal division

Demers was the first attorney at the DOJ notified of concerns about Trump’s conduct raised by the whistleblower and discussed it with colleagues Rosen and Benczkowski at Department of Justice,
according to The New York Times. It’s not clear when or how Barr was notified.

CNN’s Allison Malloy and Will Mullery contributed to this report.

Posted on

Live updates: Trump whistleblower alleges White House coverup – CNNPolitics

SAUL LOEB/AFP/Getty Images
SAUL LOEB/AFP/Getty Images

More than half the US House of Representatives have now said they support an impeachment investigation into President Trump.

The numbers: There are at least 219 House Democrats — according to a CNN count — who publicly stated support for impeachment proceedings. Rep. Justin Amash of Michigan, a former Republican who has since become an independent, has also called for an impeachment investigation, bringing the total number of representatives to 220, or just over half of the 435-member chamber.

Why this matters: Reaching the halfway mark on this issue is a significant development as a majority of the House would be needed to vote to impeach the President in order to send the process to the Senate.

But remember: However, CNN’s count includes many Democrats who say they support an impeachment investigation but are still waiting for the results of the probe before deciding whether to finally vote to impeach Trump.

Even if the House could pass the vote, it likely would go nowhere in the Republican-controlled Senate, one of many reasons the issue has been politically divisive among Democrats and a large part of why House Speaker Nancy Pelosi had for months avoided calling Democratic investigations an impeachment inquiry.

See the full list of Democrats supporting the inquiry here.

Posted on

LIVE: Speaker Pelosi and House Dems hold presser – CNN

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