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Kobe Bryant portrait on special display at Smithsonians National Portrait Gallery

A portrait of the late Kobe Bryant is now on view at the Smithsonian’s National Portrait Gallery in Washington DC, as part of a special “In Memoriam” display.

The black-and-white image, which is part of the museum’s collection, is a photograph taken by Rick Chapman in 2007. In the poignant photo, Bryant’s right upper arm is on display, revealing a series of tattoos.

© 2007 Rick Chapman

“The robe’s right sleeve has been removed to reveal a large, two-part tattoo dedicate to Bryant’s wife, Vanessa. The tattoo combines her name, framed by a crown decorated with butterflies, and the inscription ‘Psalm XXVII,’ which begins, ‘The Lord is my light and my salvation; whom shall I fear?'” explained Gwendolyn DuBois Shaw, a senior historian at the National Portrait Gallery, in an email to CNN.

Chapman’s work can be seen in a number of collections throughout the United States including the LA County Museum, the Museum of Fine Arts Houston, the Fine Arts Museums of San Francisco, George Eastman House, and the private collection of Elton John.

This isn’t the first time the museum has paid tribute to sports star upon their passing. A portrait of the late baseball player Don Larsen, who died earlier this month, hung on the wall before Bryant.

Nearby, the Smithsonian’s National Museum of African American History & Culture, houses two artifacts relating to Bryant: a Los Angeles Lakers
uniform he wore during the 2008 NBA finals and a 2002
photograph of Bryant, taken in New York, by Walter Iooss.
In 2016, Bryant
tweeted in support of the then newly opened museum, saying: “Go. See. This. Museum. There is no greater testament to this country than the stories in this building. Honored to be a part of it.”
Bryant was among nine people, including his 13-year-old daughter Gianna,
killed on Sunday in a helicopter crash in Calabasas, California.
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The deep electoral roots of the Senates impeachment standoff

That transformation is grounded in a fundamental reordering of the political landscape: Over the past generation it has grown much more difficult for either party to win Senate seats in states that usually prefer the other party in presidential elections.

Today, the vast majority of senators from the President’s party are elected by states that also voted for him — increasing the pressure on them to stand with him — while virtually all senators from the other party were sent by states that voted against the President, increasing the pressure to oppose him. Of the 53 Republican senators judging Trump, 51 were elected in states that backed him in the 2016 election.

These electoral pressures have contributed to remaking the Senate into the rigid, combative institution on display this week — one in which the leadership exerts more control than in earlier generations, individual members are expected to display a level of party-line loyalty reminiscent of parliamentary systems in Europe and there is little leeway for the bipartisan deal-making that was the hallmark of great senators from Kentucky’s Henry Clay in the 19th century to Kansas’ Bob Dole and Massachusetts’ Edward M. Kennedy in the late 20th.

It remains possible this week that the new
revelation from former Trump national security adviser John Bolton — alleging that the President directly told him he would not release military aid to Ukraine unless that country opened an investigation into his Democratic rival, former Vice President Joe Biden — might prompt just enough Senate Republicans to defect from Trump and support calling Bolton and others as witnesses in the trial. But the fact that that vote still faces an uncertain prospect after such an explosive revelation — one that directly undermines the central pillar of Trump’s defense — only underscores how unreservedly most Republican senators have locked arms to protect the President.

Votes for president and senators align

“It’s a very unfortunate evolution in that the checks and balances that our Founding Fathers had so emphasized … have been diminished if not completely eliminated,” Tom Daschle, the former Senate Democratic leader from South Dakota, said in an interview. “There are very few checks and balances today in large measure because of the unswerving loyalty and commitment the Republican caucus has made to President Trump over and above their commitments to the role and the character of the Senate. It’s been a diminution in stature, in authority … in the ability of our constitutional order to provide the kind of real balance and oversight that is so critical to good government.”

William Hoagland, the former longtime Republican staff director of the Senate Budget Committee, has been especially struck by the GOP deference to Trump as the President has eroded traditional congressional prerogatives, including redirecting funds for his border wall and systematically stonewalling subpoenas and other demands for information from the Democratic-controlled House during impeachment.

GOP senators facing a classic Trump on 5th Avenue testGOP senators facing a classic Trump on 5th Avenue test

“The slap in the face of the institution, the equal branch of government, is amazing to me,” says Hoagland, now a senior vice president at the Bipartisan Policy Center. “I don’t know where they are. I don’t understand what this guy holds over the Republicans that they don’t understand they are independent United States senators that are representing the country and an institution separate and apart from the executive branch. They should be defending that institution, and they are not.”

The electoral foundation of this new legislative order is the growing alignment between the way states vote for president and the senators they elect.

Long-term results from the
University of Michigan’s American National Election Studies, a post-election survey, capture the driving force in that trend: an increasing consistency in the choices voters make in their Senate and presidential votes. During the 1960s, the election studies’ results show, 13% to 19% of voters backed presidential candidates of one party and Senate candidates from the other, according to figures provided by Emory University political scientist Alan Abramowitz. Through the 1970s and 1980s, consistently about 1 in 4 voters split their presidential and Senate votes between the parties.

But as the ideological contrasts between the parties have grown sharper over the past quarter century, that number has significantly declined: in each presidential election since 2000, only 10% to 14% of voters cast split-ticket ballots in Senate elections, according to the American National Election Studies findings.

Little incentive for bipartisanship

The powerful impact of this change has been to make it extremely difficult for either party to win Senate seats in states that usually support the other side in presidential elections. That’s a big change from the middle decades of the 20th century. As I calculated in my 2007 book, “The Second Civil War,” Republicans after 1972 held only half of the Senate seats in the states that voted two consecutive times for President Richard Nixon; after 1984, the GOP controlled just 55% of the Senate seats in the states that twice backed President Ronald Reagan.

But that figure has steadily increased since. After 1996, Democrats held two-thirds of the Senate seats in the states that President Bill Clinton carried both times; after 2004, Republicans held three-fourths of the Senate seats in the states that twice backed President George W. Bush.

Now, Republicans hold 92% (44 of 48) of the Senate seats in the 24 states that voted for both Mitt Romney in 2012 and Trump in 2016. Democrats, meanwhile, hold 38 of the 40 Senate seats (95%) in the 20 states that voted for President Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton in the past two elections. (Republicans hold seven of the remaining 12 seats in the six states that switched from Obama in 2012 to Trump in 2016).

Joe Manchin of
West Virginia, Jon Tester of
Montana, Kyrsten Sinema of
Arizona and Doug Jones of
Alabama are the only Democratic senators left in states that voted Republican for president in both 2012 and 2016, and Jones is facing a very difficult reelection next fall. Susan Collins of
Maine and Cory Gardner of
Colorado are the remaining Republican senators in the two-time Democratic states, and both also face difficult reelections, with Gardner a distinct underdog at this point.

Gary C. Jacobson, a University of California at San Diego political scientist who specializes in Congress, says the hardening alignment between presidential and Senate voting has made it vastly more difficult for senators to display the independence and receptivity to cross-party deal-making that once characterized the body.

“It changes things fundamentally,” he says. “Voters at the state level vote very consistently for the same party for the House, Senate and president at much higher level than they did before. You can’t really carve out a career [in Congress] with displays of independence that attract voters from the other side, or the remaining dwindling portion of people who are independent. So the career strategy has been to mobilize your base, and if that’s the case you [tend to] win the states where your party’s base is larger than the other party’s base.” With those stark electoral dynamics, he notes, senators and House members “are given very little incentive to even try” to show independence or reach bipartisan agreements.

Republican Party has been affected more

These changes have affected both parties. But most observers agree they have more fundamentally reconfigured the Republican Party, which operates with a coalition — centered on conservative white voters — that is more demographically and ideologically homogenous than the Democrats’ is. That exposes Republican legislators who break from the party consensus to greater threats than Democrats face, from condemnation by the powerful conservative information system led by Fox News to primary challenges from the right and, more recently, to tweets of condemnation from Trump.

“I think it became perceived accurately as political suicide [for Republicans] to oppose him,” Jacobson says. “Trump has shown that you can’t do this gently and get away with it — that he reacts very negatively to anything but abject praise, so all these people are walking a very fine line in trying to avoid not just criticizing him but saying anything that will attract his wrath, because they think he will be able to mobilize their base against him in their states or districts.”

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The deferential Republican behavior during the Senate trial stands as both a monument to those immediate pressures and a new landmark in the extended remaking of Congress.

Particularly during the middle decades of the 20th century, both parties in Congress encompassed ramshackle coalitions of diverse views that compelled Democratic liberals and Republican conservatives to uneasily coexist with a large moderate block on each side. Political scientists in those years described Congress as operating with “four party politics” that included conservative southern Democrats, liberal Democrats from elsewhere, conservative Republicans from the heartland states and more moderate (and even liberal) GOP legislators from states along the coasts.

Accomplishing anything in Congress during this period — roughly from the late 1930s through the early 1980s — required complex bargaining among these factions. It was the ability to wrangle episodic, idiosyncratic coalitions across party lines that made senators such as Lyndon Johnson of Texas, Everett Dirksen of Illinois, Howard Baker of Tennessee, Dole, Kennedy and later Arizona’s John McCain such powerful forces.

“There used to be a block of relatively unattached people [in Congress] who you would say were persuadable one way or the other by the facts,” notes Lewis.

But at least since the early 1980s, the overriding trend line in both congressional chambers has been increasing ideological cohesion within the parties and widening ideological distance between them, a dynamic that has produced more party-line voting and less cross-party deal-making.

The full force of this change was first felt in the House, especially following the new Republican majority after 1994 led by then-House Speaker Newt Gingrich of Georgia changed several internal rules — such as the manner in which committee chairmanships were selected — to maximize the leadership’s leverage to command loyalty from rank and file members. The new GOP majority centralized decision-making in the leadership and exerted enormous pressure on members to vote in unison behind its choices. When Democrats regained the House majority from 2006 to 2010, and again in 2018, they largely upheld the shift toward centralizing authority in the leadership.

Initially, this wave did not wash as heavily over the Senate. But over time, the Senate too, has grown more to resemble a parliamentary institution, in which the leadership makes the key decisions and there is little tolerance for dissent from those decisions by individual members.

“Over the course of my time, but especially in the later years, politics in the Senate became much more of a top-down-driven process … where leadership wielding a few chits — including the ability to raise money — became more powerful than even the most powerful chairmen of the most significant committees,” says Jim Manley, a former communications adviser to both Kennedy and former Democratic leader Harry Reid of Nevada.

The censure resolution, Daschle told me this week, “was a desire to find some way to respond to what we clearly saw was an infraction … that may have fallen short of high crimes and misdemeanors but certainly couldn’t be ignored.”

Compared with even that middle ground by Senate Democrats in the Clinton case, almost all Republican senators have been far more reluctant to hint at any objection to Trump’s behavior.

“I don’t think there was any doubt that there was a dramatic difference in our approach and our response to the circumstances we faced versus what we see from them today,” Daschle says.

Hoagland, the longtime senior GOP Senate aide, agrees. He finds it especially striking that it is Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell who is leading the effort to align the party behind an indivisible defense of Trump, even at the price of weakening the Senate’s institutional powers, such as the ability to compel testimony and demand documents from the executive branch. Powerful Senate majority leaders of earlier generations, such as Johnson or Robert Byrd of West Virginia, would be stunned at the Kentucky Republican’s deference, Hoagland says.

“The one that is most discouraging to me is Leader McConnell,” he said. “The Bob Byrds of the world have to be turning over in their grave, the way this is being handled by the leader.”

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Kobe Bryants pilot had special permission to fly Sunday morning before crash. Heres what else we know

On Monday, the National Transportation Safety Board said that in his last communication with air traffic control, the pilot of the helicopter said he was climbing to avoid a cloud layer. When air traffic control asked him what he planned to do, there was no response, NTSB board member Jennifer Homendy told reporters.

Visibility was extremely low Sunday morning — so low, the Los Angeles Police Department decided to grounds its helicopters, department spokesman Josh Rubenstein said.

Homendy said investigators believe the helicopter was flying under visual flight rules from John Wayne Airport in Orange County to just southeast of Burbank Airport.

Around Burbank, the pilot requested to fly under special permission, Homendy said. An SVFR clearance allows a pilot to fly in weather conditions worse than those allowed for regular visual flight rules (VFR).

The Sikorsky S-76B was built to carry VIPs like Kobe Bryant. Here's what we know about the helicopterThe Sikorsky S-76B was built to carry VIPs like Kobe Bryant. Here's what we know about the helicopter

Pilots can request the clearance before takeoff or during the flight if weather conditions suddenly change, CNN transportation analyst Peter Goelz said. SVFR clearance is “pretty normal,” Goelz said, but “it’s not something that’s often recommended.”

The helicopter circled for 12 minutes until air traffic control approved SVFR clearance, Homendy said.

When the pilot flew into the Burbank and Van Nuys airspace at 1,400 feet, heading south and then west, he requested radar assistance to avoid traffic, Homendy said. But air traffic control said the helicopter was too low to provide that assistance.

Zobayan said he was going to climb higher and air traffic controllers responded, but they never heard back. Radar data indicated the helicopter climbed 2,300 feet and began a left descending turn, she said.

The last radar contact was around 9:45 a.m Sunday, Homendy said.

Pilot had thousands of hours of flight time

Zobayan,
who was manning the helicopter, was experienced and had 8,200 hours of flight time as of July 2019, Homendy said.

He had been working with Island Express Helicopters — which owned and operated the Sikorsky S-76B — for a number of years, she said.

Ara Zobayan named as pilot of the helicopter crash that killed him, Kobe Bryant and seven othersAra Zobayan named as pilot of the helicopter crash that killed him, Kobe Bryant and seven others

NTSB investigators are looking at pilot records, weather information, ATC communications and the wreckage as part of the investigation.

In a written statement posted to its website Island Express said, “We are working closely with the National Transportation Safety Board to investigate the cause of the accident and we are grateful to the first responders and local authorities for their response to this unimaginable accident.”

Th
e chopper is reliable, safe and capable, aviation analyst Miles O’Brien told CNN.

“It’s a workhorse,” O’Brien said. “It’s the flying Lincoln Town Car for executives. This is what corporate helicopter aviation is built on — on this Sikorsky.

Helicopter broke into pieces at impact

The impact of the crash broke the helicopter into pieces, creating a debris field of about 500 to 600 feet, Homendy said. The crash created a crater at about 1,085 feet above sea level, she said.

“There is (an) impact area on one of the hills and a piece of the tail is down the hill, on the left side of the hill,” she said. “The fuselage is over on the other side of that hill, and then the main rotor is about 100 yards beyond that.”

When reporters asked her if there was any chance of survival, Homendy said, “It was a pretty devastating accident scene.”

Investigators initially struggled to access the site of the wreckage as it’s surrounded by difficult terrain, Los Angeles County Sheriff Alex Villanueva said Sunday. Eventually, authorities bulldozed the road to get a car to the location.

And their job wasn’t made easier by mourners who descended near the site and in residential areas around it.

An emergency ordinance was issued, making it a misdemeanor to unlawfully access the site, Villanueva said Monday. Deputies are patrolling the rugged terrain on horseback, he said.

Three young girls were on board

Among the victims were three teenage girls on their way to a basketball game.

Alyssa Altobelli, who was Gianna’s teammate, was on the helicopter with her father, Orange Coast College (OCC) baseball coach
John Altobelli and her mother, Keri Altobelli.

Her father would routinely travel with her to attend her games, OCC assistant coach Ron La Ruffa said.

Young athletes, a baseball coach and mothers. What we know about the others in the helicopter crash that killed Kobe BryantYoung athletes, a baseball coach and mothers. What we know about the others in the helicopter crash that killed Kobe Bryant

Payton Chester and her mother, Sarah Chester, were also passengers on the helicopter and killed in the crash, Payton’s grandmother, Cathy Chester, wrote on Facebook. She said they were on their way to the same basketball game.

“While the world mourns the loss of a dynamic athlete and humanitarian, I mourn the loss of two people just as important…their impact was just as meaningful, their loss will be just as keenly felt, and our hearts are just as broken,” Todd Schmidt, a former principal at the elementary school Payton once attended, wrote in a Facebook post.

Christina Mauser was also killed in the crash. Mauser was an assistant girls basketball coach for a private school in Corona del Mar, California.

“My kids and I are devastated. We lost our beautiful wife and mom today in a helicopter crash,” her husband, Matt Mauser, wrote on Facebook.

CNN’s Sarah Moon contributed to this report.

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Trumps impeachment team offers raw political defense

It’s sometimes loose with facts, it recycles conservative media conspiracies, it praises Trump’s 2016 victory, it criticizes the Obama administration and it’s geared almost entirely toward his political base. It asserts brazen presidential power and insists that far from being corrupt, Trump’s behavior is, as he might say, “perfect.”

But in its most basic substance, the case is not that much different from the one blasted out on Twitter by the President himself for months.

In another Trumpian flourish, the legal arguments proceeded for most of the day in an alternative political reality that ignored the most pressing question now hovering over the trial. That’s the
revelation in a New York Times report that former national security adviser John Bolton says Trump ordered him to maintain a hold on US military aid until Ukraine agreed to investigate Biden — the key question at the heart of the case.

But toward the end of hours of argument, Dershowitz made a case for expansive presidential power, saying that a quid pro quo alone cannot be the basis for abuse of power — which he said was not in itself an impeachable offense.

“Nothing in the Bolton revelations, even if true, would rise to the level of an abuse of power or an impeachable offense, that is clear from the history. That is clear from the language of the Constitution,” Dershowitz said, in comments that could arm Republicans — who are on the spot amid calls for Bolton to testify — with an new argument.

Trump has repeatedly made
unfounded and false claims to allege that the Bidens acted improperly in Ukraine. There is no evidence of wrongdoing by either Joe Biden or his son Hunter Biden.

A handful of more moderate Republicans spending the day dancing on hot bricks over whether they would vote later this week to demand testimony from Bolton and other witnesses.

“The reporting on John Bolton strengthens the case for witnesses and has prompted a number of conversations among my colleagues,” Maine’s Sen. Susan Collins said.

Utah’s Sen. Mitt Romney added: “I think with the story that came out yesterday that it is increasingly apparent that it would be important to hear from John Bolton.”

Impeachment defense leaves Republican senators little choice

Bolton bombshell undercuts Trump impeachment defenseBolton bombshell undercuts Trump impeachment defense

The President and his most fervent fans must have been delighted as they heard arguments that had been rehearsed for months on Fox News opinion shows echo across the Senate floor.

But the all-day presentations may have significantly sharpened the dilemma for a handful of Republican senators at the center of the controversy over Democratic demands for the summoning of new witnesses.

Any vote later this week to depose Bolton or other witnesses could prolong the trial and frustrate Trump’s hopes for an acquittal by the time of the State of the Union address next week. It could also expose the minimum of four GOP senators who would be needed to advance such a step to the President’s certain wrath.

But most of Trump’s lawyers essentially offered Republican senators no choice but to buy the President’s case entirely — despite its many glaring factual deficiencies. For red state senators or those who have concluded their fates lie in sticking closely to Trump, it’s an easy political choice.

“The White House counsel has absolutely shredded, shredded, the case brought forward,” said Iowa’s Sen. Joni Ernst during a dinner break.

Texas’ GOP Sen. Ted Cruz added: “I get that the press loves to obsess over the latest bombshell.” But, he added, “the legal issue before this Senate is whether a President has the authority to investigate corruption.”

The legal approach pursued by Trump’s team leaves moderates such as Collins and Colorado’s Sen. Cory Gardner exposed to Democratic claims that they will block a fair trial if they don’t vote to hear witnesses such as Bolton.

Trump is being tried in the Senate over two articles of impeachment, alleging abuse of power and obstruction of Congress, in connection with his pressure on Ukraine for an investigation into political opponents including Biden.

In the evening session, Ray offered a strongly argued case warning about the gravity of removing a President between elections, saying it would not be in the best interests of the country.

“We have witnessed the endless procession of legal theories to sustain this partisan impeachment, from treason to quid pro quo to bribery to extortion to obstruction of justice to soliciting an illegal foreign campaign contribution to a violation of the Impoundment Control Act to who knows what all is next,” Ray told senators.

Defense turns into a searing political play

Senate impeachment trial: Trump's defense soldiers past Bolton revelationsSenate impeachment trial: Trump's defense soldiers past Bolton revelations

But for much of the day, other members of Trump’s team, such as former Florida Attorney General Pam Bondi, offered far more political advocacy.

“We would prefer not to be talking about this,” Bondi said, before launching into a fearsome attack on Biden — an ironic moment, since Trump was the one who had brought up unproven claims about his rival that caused the political drama that has held Washington in thrall for months.

Ernst seemed to let slip the partisan goal of the defense argument in a conversation with reporters.

“Iowa caucuses are next Monday evening. I am really interested to see how this discussion today informs and influences the Iowa caucus voters, those Democratic caucus voters, will they be supporting Vice President Biden at this point?” she said.

Andrew Bates, a spokesman for Biden’s presidential campaign, hit back at Bondi.

“We didn’t realize that Breitbart was expanding into Ted Talk knockoffs. Here on planet Earth, the conspiracy theory that Bondi repeated has been conclusively refuted,” Bates said. “Joe Biden was instrumental to a bipartisan and international anti-corruption victory. It’s no surprise that such a thing is anathema to President Trump.”

The President’s team argued that he had been right to withhold aid to Ukraine because he feared corruption — and put Biden and his son Hunter, who was on the board of a Ukrainian energy giant while his father oversaw policy toward Kiev, at the center of the storm.

There is little evidence in the rough transcript of a call between Trump and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky that Trump was interested in the wider issue of corruption. But he does repeatedly press for probes into Biden.

There are appropriate questions about whether Hunter Biden presented an unacceptable conflict of interest with his employment choices.

But despite Trump’s false claims, in fact, Joe Biden’s pressure for Ukraine to fire a prosecutor seen in Washington and Europe as corrupt would have made it more likely that Burisma, the company for which Hunter Biden was working, would be investigated.

Still, the President’s legal team has the luxury of knowing that its efforts are almost certain to be rewarded given the reality that not enough Republicans will vote to convict their own party’s President. That gives them all sorts of leeway to please their boss — and to advance his political goals.

CNN’s Marshall Cohen, Arlette Saenz, Clare Foran and Lauren Fox contributed to this report.

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Memorials honoring Kobe and Gianna Bryant are popping up all over the world

Nine people died Sunday in a helicopter crash in Calabasas, California, including the basketball icon, 41, and his 13-year-old daughter.
Artist
Jules Muck painted the mural of Kobe and his daughter, whose nickname is Gigi, at Pickford Market in Los Angeles on Sunday. The mural reads, “Kobe & Gigi. Forever Daddy’s Girl.”

“I feel that what he did with his fame as far as his camps and training and work with his daughter and other young people was pretty awesome especially that he died in that service,” Muck told CNN on Monday.

Muck said she was already on her way to paint a mural of Bryant when she heard about Gianna’s death and “felt it was important to include her.”

Public memorials honoring the father and daughter appeared across the Los Angeles area and even on the other side of the world. This is how Bryant and his daughter are being
remembered by legions of adoring fans.

Newport Beach, California

Dozens of balloons and flowers lined the grass outside the gates of the housing development where Bryant lived in Newport Beach, California, on Monday.

‘House of Kobe’ gym, Philippines

Hours before his death, a new basketball hall was opened and named in Bryant’s honor in Manila, Philippines, local press reports. The
“House of Kobe” gym was built in honor of Bryant’s 2016 visit to the Philippines.

Staples Center, Los Angeles

Fans buried their heads in their hands Sunday and mourned the former NBA and Los Angeles Lakers player in front of Staples Center, where the team plays. A makeshift memorial appeared the day fans learned of Bryant’s death.

Lower Merion High School, Pennsylvania

Some of Bryant’s jerseys, a pile of basketballs and bouquets of flowers lined the entrance of the gym at Lower Merion High School, where Bryant went to high school in Ardmore, Pennsylvania.

Mamba Sports Academy, California

Baby clothes and other memorabilia were added to a small memorial Sunday outside Mamba Sports Academy in Thousand Oaks, California. Bryant and his daughter were heading there for a basketball game scheduled for Sunday afternoon. Bryant was to coach his daughter’s team in the game.

Reggio Emilia, Italy

Bryant spent part of his childhood in the small Italian city of Reggio Emilia.
His family moved there when his father played for a series of local teams in the 1980s. Bryant, who spoke Italian fluently, played on the city’s youth team, Cantine Riunite.

CNN’s Alisha Ebrahimji contributed to this report.

Posted on

Pompeo boils over as Ukraine pressure increases

Pompeo has had to grapple with damaging Ukraine-related headlines that raise questions about his temperament and flatly contradict his public claims about administration policy toward the country. Conservative allies have called him a “baby,” senior diplomats have publicly chastised him and State Department staff — pointing to the secretary’s emphasis on respect and professionalism — privately say they’re “incensed” about what they see as his hypocrisy and embarrassed by his leadership.

They’re so accustomed to his angry eruptions that some have nicknamed him “Mount Mike.”

Pompeo is set to land in Kiev Thursday as the administration’s Ukraine policy — specifically Trump’s push to exchange military aid and a White House visit for investigations into his political rivals — occupies center stage in Washington, where the Senate impeachment trial continues.

Pompeo’s
profanity laced explosion at an NPR reporter who asked about Ukraine set off shockwaves that continue to ripple and are likely to overshadow his visit to Ukraine, which was rescheduled from early January because of the situation in Iraq. He is also scheduled to travel to the United Kingdom, Ukraine, Belarus, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan.

‘Don’t be such a baby’

In a sneering public statement after the Friday interview, Pompeo made claims about the terms of the conversation that NPR promptly proved were untrue.

Pompeo’s stunning statement, released on Saturday and bearing the State Department seal, seemed intended for one particular audience — and appears to have hit its target. Just a day after it was released, Trump endorsed a tweet from conservative radio host Mark Levin, who wrote, “Why does NPR still exist? We have thousands of radio stations in the U.S. Plus Satellite radio. Podcasts. Why are we paying for this big-government, Democrat Party propaganda operation.”

Levin included a link to a Fox News piece about Pompeo’s response to the NPR reporter. “A very good question!” Trump wrote along with his retweet on Sunday.

But other supporters weren’t so impressed. “For goodness sake, Mr. Secretary, don’t be such a baby,” Steve Hilton, host of Fox News’ “Next Revolution,” said Sunday. Hilton said he appreciated Pompeo’s tough stance on issues, but criticized him for “unleashing a four-letter word tirade and putting out a ridiculous statement whining about what questions he agreed to answer.”

Former top diplomat to Ukraine defends US support for the country after Pompeo questions if Americans careFormer top diplomat to Ukraine defends US support for the country after Pompeo questions if Americans care

“You should be able to handle tough questions by now and don’t be such a bully,” Hilton said. “Foul mouth ranting at a reporter doing her job is an embarrassment to you and the administration. You should apologize and people will think much more of you if you do.”

In an escalation of the controversy, the State Department removed another NPR reporter from the press pool for Pompeo’s trip to Europe and central Asia later this week, the State Department Correspondents’ Association announced Monday.

Beyond the White House, fallout from the NPR interview continued with the leak of information from former national security adviser John
Bolton’s book that flatly contradicts claims Pompeo made to NPR that there was no shadow foreign policy on Ukraine. Pompeo insisted that “the Ukraine policy has been run from the Department of State for the entire time that I have been here.”

Bolton’s book, “The Room Where It Happened,” not only appears set to counter Pompeo’s declaration, but will also reportedly assert that Pompeo was fully aware of the White House agenda for Kiev. According to the New York Times, Bolton describes Trump saying that he wanted to keep $391 million in security aid to Ukraine frozen until officials there helped with investigations into Democrats, including Joe Biden and his son Hunter.

Trump’s attempts to pressure Ukraine to investigate Biden are at the center of the President’s impeachment trial. Trump has repeatedly made
unfounded and false claims to allege that the Bidens acted improperly in Ukraine. There is no evidence of wrongdoing by either father or son. The State Department did not respond to requests for comment about the information reportedly in Bolton’s book.

‘Mount Mike’

Even Pompeo’s ability to fulfill his core duty as the leading US diplomat has come in for implicit criticism.

During his outburst at the NPR reporter, Pompeo questioned whether Americans “care” about Ukraine, prompting a public rebuttal from his former top diplomat in Ukraine. Bill Taylor, the retired ambassador who returned to lead the embassy in Kiev at the Trump administration’s request, was subpoenaed in the House impeachment inquiry and proved to be a pivotal witness.

In 800 words that add up to a dressing down, Taylor’s
New York Times op-ed listed all the points the secretary himself should be making about Ukraine’s importance to US national security instead of questioning whether Americans care.

While in Kiev, Pompeo will meet with President Volodymr Zelensky as well as the foreign and defense ministers to “highlight US support for Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity,” the State Department said in its trip announcement. The secretary will also attend a wreath laying ceremony to honor those who have fallen amid ongoing conflict with Russia, and meet with religious, civil society, and business community leaders.

At the State Department there was little surprise about the secretary’s eruption with NPR’s Mary Louise Kelly.

Pompeo is known to get angry and yell at those who work for him. For those staffers, the NPR outburst was simply a public example his private behavior. “And there were have it. A Mount Mike eruption on the record,” one State official told CNN.

Other staff members said the NPR incident revived their unhappiness over Pompeo’s dealings with the Ukraine scandal. They pointed in particular to his failure to back the career diplomats who were subpoenaed to appear before the House impeachment inquiry and his silence over the ouster of former ambassador to Ukraine Marie Yovanovitch.

Yovanovitch calls for investigation into 'disturbing' surveillance as ex-diplomats outraged over her treatmentYovanovitch calls for investigation into 'disturbing' surveillance as ex-diplomats outraged over her treatment

The highly respected career diplomat was abruptly removed from her post after a smear campaign by the President’s personal lawyer, Rudy Giuliani. She was told at the time that her safety was in question and has testified to the House that no senior official at State has ever explained why she was removed. Trump has repeatedly denigrated her publicly.

The New York Times also reported that in Bolton’s book, the former national security adviser describes Pompeo acknowledging to him in the spring of 2019 that
Giuliani’s claims about Yovanovitch were baseless and that Giuliani’s real motive might have been because Yovanovitch was targeting his clients with anti-corruption measures.

Asked if he owes Yovanovitch an apology, Pompeo insisted to NPR that he has defended “every State Department official,” despite the fact that he has never publicly defended Yovanovitch. He didn’t respond when Kelly asked him to point to specific actions he’s taken in defense of Yovanovitch and never addressed the idea of apologizing to her. The gap between Pompeo’s words and actions and his behavior with NPR in general left many at State unsurprised, said one staffer who added that many see the secretary as hypocritical.

This person and others pointed to Pompeo’s move to unveil an “ethos” statement in April, hanging huge banners inside the department that declare, among other things, that staffers will “serve with unfailing professionalism, in both my demeanor and my actions, even in the face of adversity,” act with “uncompromising personal and professional integrity,” and take “ownership of and responsibility for my actions and decisions.”

‘Unfailing respect’

At the event to unveil the ethos statement, Pompeo went into detail about the ideas of integrity, professionalism and respect. “Professionalism isn’t dependent on position or salary. It’s about disagreeing without being uncivil,” Pompeo said before stressing the need to “show unfailing respect for each other, simply because we are all human beings created by God.”

One State Department official, speaking on background, said that after the NPR outburst, they and their colleagues were “angry, embarrassed, and disappointed that Secretary Pompeo is not living up to the ethos that he recently implemented.”

The State Department did not immediately reply to a request for comment.

Posted on

Trump impeachment trial: Live updates and latest news – CNNPolitics

Senate TV
Senate TV

Pam Bondi, former Florida attorney general and a member of President Trump’s defense team, outlined the issue of Hunter Biden’s involvement on the board of Burisma, a Ukrainian natural gas company, during her 30-minute presentation.

This was the first direct reference to the Bidens during the defense team’s presentations.

House managers, she said, “repeatedly referenced” Biden and Burisma more than “400 times” during their presentations last week, “but they never gave you the full picture.”

“We would prefer not to be talking about this,” she claimed, “But the House managers have placed this squarely at issue, so we must address it.” 

Citing multiple news reports and testimony from State Department official George Kent and other witnesses, Bondi cast the company as corrupt and Biden’s involvement as a conflict of interest. She questioned his qualifications to serve on the board, an opportunity she called “nepotistic at best, nefarious at worst.”

There is no evidence of wrongdoing by Joe or Hunter Biden.

Bondi noted that then-Vice President Joe Biden sought to remove Ukrainian prosecutor Victor Shokin, who was investigating Burisma. However, she did not note that Shokin was widely accused of corruption and a Shokin deputy has said the Burisma probe was dormant. 

“There was a basis to talk about this, to raise this issue, and that is enough,” Bondi said.

 

Watch part of the defense’s exhibit on Biden:

Posted on

How Trumps prosecutors reacted when the Bolton news broke

“It was one of those moments where everyone freezes,” Schiff told CNN Monday morning. “We all reacted to the story. There were several exclamations that I wouldn’t want to repeat in print.”

Their work begins each weekday around 11 a.m., when the managers and their team convene in the speakers’ office. According to two people with knowledge of the meetings, the seven managers and their staff have turned the ornate, spacious office of Speaker Nancy Pelosi into their de facto headquarters. They gather there to hold rolling prep sessions and make final alterations to speeches, rehearse lines, review slides and go over the hundreds of video cues that have been peppered into their hours-long presentation.

Shortly before the 1 p.m. session begins each day, the managers cross over to the Senate side of the Capitol in a silent, informal procession that is a rough approximation of their seniority on the team. The lead manager, Schiff, walks at the head of the line, with Judiciary Chairman Rep. Jerry Nadler typically a half step behind. Following them, and flanked by staff, are the remaining managers: Reps. Zoe Lofgren, Hakeem Jeffries, Val Demings, Sylvia Garcia and Jason Crow.

The House impeachment managers meeting in House Speaker Nancy Pelosi's office suite at the Capitol in Washington, January 20. The House impeachment managers meeting in House Speaker Nancy Pelosi's office suite at the Capitol in Washington, January 20.

Over 24 hours spread out over three full days last week, often for up to nine hours a day, the team laid out their arguments in meticulous fashion, weaving hundreds of hours of testimony and reams of evidence into a well-structured story about their views of what the President did, why he did it, and why he deserves to be removed from office.

Their weeks of work, including much of the holiday recess spent holed up in the Capitol, was undertaken even as the outcome of the trial — acquittal of Trump by the Republican Senate majority — seemed all but inevitable. While there were certainly
moments that seemed to capture even some of the President’s staunchest allies in the Senate chamber, there were also times the Democrats stepped out too far and offended the same GOP senators they are trying to win over.
One subject they’re anticipating is
Republican senators’ desire to bring up Hunter Biden, both as a line of questioning and as a potential witness.

“We know already this is going to be an issue,” one source familiar with the ongoing preparations told CNN. There is no evidence of wrongdoing by either Joe or Hunter Biden.

Given the Bolton news, Democrats are now renewing their push for witnesses.

Stuck in Washington: Democratic senators trade campaign trail for impeachment trialStuck in Washington: Democratic senators trade campaign trail for impeachment trial

“There can be no doubt now that Mr. Bolton directly contradicts the heart of the President’s defense and therefore must be called as a witness at the impeachment trial of President Trump,” the managers said in a statement released Sunday night.

In reality, the Democratic managers are appealing to two audiences: the 100 senators sitting before them in the chamber but also the American public watching or listening at home. If a critical mass of GOP senators can’t be convinced of the President’s wrongdoing, the Democrats can hope to reach voters nine months before the next election.

Observations from the press gallery as well as interviews with eight sources on Capitol Hill reveal how the House Democrats prepared for a marathon stretch of arguments in the first week of the impeachment trial, and how their performances were perceived.

Like a federal criminal prosecution

Democratic Reps. Zoe Lofgren of California and Jerry Nadler of New York are seen in the ante room.Democratic Reps. Zoe Lofgren of California and Jerry Nadler of New York are seen in the ante room.

The Democratic team is a mixture of backgrounds and personalities. Among the managers are freshman lawmakers and seasoned veterans of the House. Four are men and three are women. All are lawyers except Demings, a retired police officer from Florida. Some hail from deep-blue districts while others occupy swing seats in red states.
While their diversity is apparent, it’s been
clear who has driven the strategy. The two chief architects of the Democratic approach are Schiff and his top counsel on the Intelligence Committee, Daniel Goldman. Both are former federal prosecutors — Schiff in the Central District of California and Goldman in the prestigious Southern District of New York. Those who know Goldman say that pedigree is reflected in how House Democrats have conducted their case.

“They are doing this right out of the federal prosecutor’s playbook,” said Elie Honig, a CNN contributor and a former prosecutor in the SDNY who worked with Goldman as well as another attorney on the team, Daniel Noble. Honig pointed to the way the managers have presented videos and documents from the impeachment hearings to contextualize their arguments.

Daniel Goldman is the top lawyer for the House Intelligence CommitteeDaniel Goldman is the top lawyer for the House Intelligence Committee

“It’s a hallmark of certainly the SDNY way,” Honig said.

Danya Perry, another former prosecutor at the SDNY who worked with Goldman, told CNN that the Democrats’ arguments during the trial “seemed to have his fingerprints all over them.”

“Like some of Danny’s jury addresses, Chairman Schiff’s remarks packed some passion and some soaring language, but for the most part they were straightforward, plainspoken, and to the point,” Perry said.

Staff work behind the scenes

Supreme Court Chief Justice John Roberts presides over the Senate impeachment trial on Tuesday, January 21.Supreme Court Chief Justice John Roberts presides over the Senate impeachment trial on Tuesday, January 21.

Inside the Senate chamber during the trial, the managers sit cramped into small chairs at three adjoining tables. Most of them face the Democratic senators and with their backs to the presiding chair, Chief Justice John Roberts. Four to five staffers sit across from the managers, poring over thick folders of materials. The tables are frequently covered in papers.

When one manager speaks from the podium in the middle of the chamber, the others generally remain seated, listening or reading. Seated next to Schiff is a staffer with a laptop, whose primary role appears to be clicking through each slide or video clip for the presentation.

Invisible even to observers in the gallery is the anteroom off the Senate chamber, where the bulk of the Democratic staff works to supplement the team on the floor. Full of snacks, computers and printers, the anteroom is also the source of the rotating staffers who switch out into the chamber periodically.

The amount of preparation is reflected in how smoothly the presentations went. The managers rarely have to interrupt to direct a staffer moving through the slides.

It has helped that the staff work has been doled out in an orderly way.

Preparing the trial materials — creating hundreds of slides, organizing more than 200 video clips, and writing more than 24 hours of oral arguments — has been split along committee lines, one person familiar with the situation told CNN. Staffers from the House Intelligence and Judiciary committees focused on the article accusing the President of abusing his power, while staff from the House Oversight Committee worked largely on the article concerning the obstruction of Congress.

Communications for the team, including frequent background calls with reporters, has fallen to the staff members of both the Intelligence Committee and the speaker’s office. Judiciary, meanwhile, has taken the lead on the legal briefs that were filed for the trial.

The most effective prep work has been the culling of hours of impeachment hearing testimony and other relevant video, such as clips of Trump’s own words. The video clips break up the managers’ speeches and have noticeably reignited interest from listless senators.

Senators spill the story on milk at the impeachment trialSenators spill the story on milk at the impeachment trial
One surprise deployment of this tactic came Friday afternoon, as the managers were arguing about the importance of the strategic alliance with Ukraine. Lawmakers turned to look at the two screens on either side of the chamber’s back wall, where the
familiar face of former Sen. John McCain beamed out. As Schiff tossed to the sound of McCain, senators looked genuinely surprised (and some comforted) by the late Republican senator’s presence in the chamber.
Still, despite the deft use of audio-visuals, the Democratic team has at times
struggled to keep their audience engaged. The week was marked by senators coming and going from the chamber, despite rules suggested they should stay throughout. Those who remained often seemed distracted, playing with fidget-spinner toys, reading books, talking amongst themselves and passing notes.

At least two GOP senators, Jim Risch of Idaho and Richard Shelby of Alabama, appeared to nod off at their desks at some point during the week.

Mixed reactions

Rep. Adam Schiff and other House Managers walk to the Senate floor from their ante room (off the floor of the Senate) for the start of the day's session of the Senate impeachment trial on January 23.Rep. Adam Schiff and other House Managers walk to the Senate floor from their ante room (off the floor of the Senate) for the start of the day's session of the Senate impeachment trial on January 23.

When the House Democrats did manage to grab the attention of the chamber, it did not always help their case. Most often, this happened when they departed from the sober, just-the-facts tone and let their emotions get the best of them.

The most notable instance came after midnight on Wednesday morning toward the end of a marathon session, when Nadler chastised Republican senators opposed to allowing witnesses in the trial as “voting for a cover-up.” The comment sparked a heated back-and-forth between Nadler and White House counsel Pat Cipollone, which in turn prompted a rebuke from the usually staid Chief Justice Roberts.

Nadler’s remark also angered two key Senate Republicans, Susan Collins of Maine and Lisa Murkowski of Alaska, both of whom the Democrats need on their side to have any chance of hearing from witnesses next week.

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“I took it as very offensive. As one who is listening attentively and working hard to get to a fair process, I was offended,” Murkowski said Wednesday, according to an aide.

“Having watched you now for three days, whether it is someone you are predisposed to agree with or predisposed not to, it is abundantly clear that you are listening with an open mind,” Schiff said. “And we can’t ask for anything more than that, so we are grateful.”

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Bolton bombshell undercuts Trump impeachment defense

The new complications emerged on Sunday even as Trump was clearly sensing an imminent victory and showed he was spoiling for retribution against Democrats who led his impeachment in the House of Representatives last year.

Trump’s lawyers will Monday resume laying out their defense to Democratic charges that Trump abused his power by using the nearly $400 million in aid and the promise of a White House visit to wring dirt on political rivals from Ukraine.

The New York Times reported that a draft manuscript for Bolton’s yet-to-be published book reveals that he was told by Trump to maintain a hold on military aid until officials in Ukraine opened investigations into former Vice President Joe Biden. There is no evidence of wrongdoing by either Joe Biden or his son, Hunter Biden, and Joe Biden has repeatedly defended his son and himself.

New York Times: Bolton draft book manuscript says Trump tied Ukraine aid freeze to political investigationsNew York Times: Bolton draft book manuscript says Trump tied Ukraine aid freeze to political investigations

Such a revelation would bolster Democratic claims that Trump abused a public trust and taxpayer cash to try to leverage a foreign government’s help in the 2020 election against one of his possible top opponents.

It would also undermine a key rationale of his defense team’s argument that there were other reasons Trump withheld aid — including his concern over corruption — a claim challenged by substantial previous evidence.

The Times report will increase
pressure on Republican senators to allow testimony from new witnesses.
Utah’s Mitt Romney is one GOP member who has said he is interested in hearing from Bolton at least.

House impeachment managers said in a statement that the Times report made it imperative that the Senate hears from Bolton.

“During our impeachment inquiry, the President blocked our request for Mr. Bolton’s testimony. Now we see why,” the managers said in the statement.

“The President knows how devastating his testimony would be, and, according to the report, the White House has had a draft of his manuscript for review. President Trump’s cover-up must come to an end.”

Three GOP sources told CNN’s Manu Raju that
party leaders in the Senate had expected to defeat a bid by Democrats to secure subpoenas of new witnesses in a vote this week. That prospect is now less certain, the sources said.
GOP prospects of defeating witness vote uncertain after New York Times Bolton reportGOP prospects of defeating witness vote uncertain after New York Times Bolton report

“The witness vote was always going to be tough,” said one source involved in the strategy. “The story makes that clear again.”

In another twist, Bolton’s lawyer Charles Cooper said that the draft manuscript had been submitted to the National Security Council for a regular review to ensure it did not disclose classified material. But he suggested in a statement that the information reported by the Times meant the process had been “corrupted” and the document had been improperly accessed.

Before the reports about Bolton broke, there had been no signs yet that the four Republican votes needed for a Senate majority to back subpoenas would materialize. That being the case, the trial could end later this week, ushering a post-impeachment period in which the drama’s political aftershocks will be crucial to November’s election.

Democrats condemn Trump over ‘threat’ to Schiff

Trump’s fury over impeachment indicates that he is unlikely to be magnanimous when the trial ends. On Sunday he launched a fierce attack on California Rep. Adam Schiff who is leading the Democratic case against him.

“He has not paid the price, yet, for what he has done to our Country!” Trump wrote on Twitter on Sunday.

Schiff said on NBC’s “Meet the Press” that he
interpreted the President’s tweet as a personal threat.
Schiff calls Trump 'vindictive' and says Trump's tweet was intended to intimidateSchiff calls Trump 'vindictive' and says Trump's tweet was intended to intimidate

“This is a wrathful and vindictive president. I don’t think there’s any doubt about it. And if you think there is, look at the President’s tweets about me today, saying that I should pay a price,” Schiff said.

But speaking on CNN’s “State of the Union,” Republican Sen. James Lankford, defended Trump.

“I don’t think the President’s trying to be able to do a death threat here or do some sort of intimidation,” Lankford told CNN’s Jake Tapper.

“It’s no different than what Adam Schiff and what Speaker Pelosi were saying … that folks will be paying a price at the ballot box, or that they will pay a price for this in the future, or that people hold them accountable for that.”

Also on “State of the Union,” California Rep. Zoe Lofgren said it was “unfortunate” that Trump
had a tendency to say threatening things about people, adding he needed to “get a grip and be a little more presidential.”

The debate about witnesses will define how the impeachment trial ends.

Trump’s lawyers have two more days to lay out their case — after which there will be a 16-hour period in which senators can submit questions to both legal teams. Only then will the question of whether to call witnesses potentially come to a vote.

Republicans are arguing that Democratic House leaders could have challenged Trump’s blocking tactics to the courts and that it is not the Senate’s job to continue investigating the case.

But Democrats counter that since Trump was threatening the fairness of the 2020 election they needed to act fast and censured the President’s conduct in a second article of impeachment alleging obstruction of Congress.

They are also using the issue to paint the GOP as shielding a corrupt President and denying the American people a fair trial.

“If they’re successful in depriving the country of a fair trial, there is no exoneration,” Schiff said on “Meet the Press.”

“There is no exoneration. Americans will recognize that the country did not get what the Founders intended because they put the word ‘try’ in the Constitution for a reason.”

Democrats pile pressure on handful of Republicans over witnesses

Key senators to watch on the witness question as well as Romney include Maine Sen. Susan Collins, who faces a tough reelection race and has said she would “likely” vote to hear from new witnesses.

Alaska Sen. Lisa Murkowski, Tennessee’s retiring Sen. Lamar Alexander and Colorado’s Cory Gardner have also been in Democratic sights.

But before the New York Times report broke, Senate Democratic leader Chuck Schumer admitted on Sunday that he did not know whether Republicans would bow to the pressure.

Will any senators actually flip on Trump impeachment?Will any senators actually flip on Trump impeachment?

“There’s no good answer why there shouldn’t be witnesses and documents, and no one has given one — not the President’s lawyers, not the Republican senators, not Mitch McConnell,” Schumer said in a news conference in New York.

“But there’s a lot of pressure not to do it, speed up the trial, do this, do that. But I am always hopeful,” Schumer said.

Later on Sunday, Schumer said it was
up to four Republican senators to make it happen.

“It’s up to four Senate Republicans to ensure that John Bolton, Mick Mulvaney, and the others with direct knowledge of President Trump’s actions testify in the Senate trial, Schumer tweeted.

House Speaker Nancy Pelosi
called Trump’s Ukraine conduct a “cover-up,” tweeting: “The refusal of the Senate to call for him, other relevant witnesses, and documents is now even more indefensible.”

Trump’s legal team will resume their defense of the President when the trial reopens later on Monday.

On Saturday in a truncated, nearly two-hour session the lawyers
accused Democratic House impeachment mangers of not providing the full context of Trump’s actions in Ukraine.

“We don’t believe that they have come anywhere close to meeting their burden for what they’re asking you to do,” White House counsel Pat Cipollone said. “In fact, we believe that when you hear the facts, and that’s what we intend to cover today — the facts — you will find that the President did absolutely nothing wrong.”

And they also turned the tables on Democratic claims that the President’s actions were intended to interfere in the next presidential election, accusing Democrats of trying to overturn the 2016 election and to stack the decks against the President’s reelection bid.

CNN’s Manu Raju, Jeremy Diamond and Jim Sciutto contributed to this report.

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Live Updates: Kobe Bryant dies at 41 – CNN

Bryant's 'Cantine Riunite' youth team in the early 1990's in Reggio Emilia, Italy. Bryant is in the top row, third from the left.
Bryant’s ‘Cantine Riunite’ youth team in the early 1990’s in Reggio Emilia, Italy. Bryant is in the top row, third from the left.

Davide Giudici, a friend and former childhood teammate of Kobe Bryant, spoke to CNN today about the passing of the NBA legend.

Giudici played with Bryant in the 1990s in the small Italian city of Reggio Emilia. As 11 and 12-year-olds, they practiced several days a week together on Cantine Riunite, a junior basketball team named for a local winemaker of region’s signature sparkling red.

“We had a strong team, but he was better than all of us. At 11 years old, he was already very secure in his power and what he would become,” Giudici, 41, told CNN. “I mean, I think we knew he was going to become a professional basketball player. We didn’t know then that he was going to be one of the biggest stars in the world.”

Kobe’s father, Joe Bryant, played in Italy for several years, and was already locally famous when they moved to Reggio Emilia, Giudici said.

“We spent two years with Kobe and he spoke very fluent, very perfect Italian so he was like a friend of ours,” Giudici said.

Kobe Bryant’s time in Reggio remains a point of pride for many, the kind of thing that comes up in conversation when people explain where their hometown is. Giudici says that even locals who have no interest in basketball claim Kobe Bryant as their own.

Giudici who is now a graphic designer, but plays locally, said he first found out about Bryant’s death through a flood of messages from friends.

“I saw like 40 Whatsapp messages: ‘Can you believe it? Did you see what happened? Did you hear what happened to Kobe?’” he said.

“My first concern was for his family. And it’s unbelievable, almost comic, that he died bringing his daughter to play basketball,” he said.

 “It’s unbelievable. We are all fragile,” Giudici said. “Even if Kobe is like a superstar, a superman, unfortunately we are all fragile.”